سازمان مطالعه و تدوین کتب دانشگاهی در علوم اسلامی و انسانی (سمت) روان‌شناسی فرهنگی 2588-7211 9 2 2026 02 20 The Role of Positive and Negative Family Interactions in Managing War-Related Anxiety: An Exploration of Iranians’ Lived Experiences in a Cultural Context نقش تعاملات مثبت و منفی خانوادگی در مدیریت اضطراب ناشی از جنگ: واکاوی تجارب زیسته ایرانیان در بستر فرهنگی 248133 10.30487/jcp.2026.579016.1897 FA مهدی شمالی احمدآبادی دکترای تخصصی روانشناسی، آموزش و پرورش شهرستان اردکان، یزد، ایران. 0000-0002-0218-2229 عاطفه برخورداری احمدآبادی کارشناسی ارشد روانشناسی بالینی، دانشگاه آزاد، واحد اصفهان (خوراسگان)، اصفهان، ایران 0000-0002-0062-3676 Journal Article 2026 04 17 Abstract In recent years, Iranian society has faced persistent security threats and external aggression, making war‑related anxiety a pervasive phenomenon at the family level. This study aimed to explore the lived experience of individuals facing war anxiety and to examine the role of positive and negative family interactions in managing this anxiety. A descriptive phenomenological approach was adopted within a social interpretivist paradigm. Data were collected through in‑depth semi‑structured interviews with 19 citizens (11 women, 8 men) residing in Yazd who reported direct exposure to war conditions. Purposeful sampling continued until theoretical saturation was reached. Data were analyzed using Colaizzi’s (1978) seven‑step method and validated through member checking and expert review. MAXQDA 2020 was used to systematically organize the data, document the coding process, and track the development of themes. Analysis yielded three positive themes (emotional refuge of the family, emotion regulation and shared meaning‑making, family cohesion and effectiveness) and three negative themes (family conflict and tension, dysfunctional communication patterns, transmission of anxiety within the family system). Positive interactions fostered a basic sense of safety and collective resilience, thereby reducing anxiety, whereas negative interactions shifted anxiety from an individual to a systemic level and contributed to its chronicity. These findings highlight family interactions as a central mechanism that can either exacerbate or mitigate war‑related anxiety and provide a basis for designing family‑focused interventions that strengthen positive communication patterns and reduce negative ones under conditions of war threat. Introduction In recent years, Iranian society has faced persistent security threats and external aggression, making war-related anxiety a pervasive phenomenon at the family level. Recurring military threats and economic pressures have created a situation where families experience ongoing psychological distress (Shomali Ahmadabadi & Barkhordari Ahmadabadi, 2025). War anxiety is defined as a multidimensional and pervasive psychological response to real or perceived threats of war, encompassing cognitive dimensions (recurrent thoughts about danger), emotional dimensions (deep-seated fear and worry), behavioral dimensions (avoidance and functional impairment), and physical dimensions (bodily tension and restlessness) (Mladenović, 2004; Collins & Tam, 2024). Previous experiences have shown that during war conditions, families face not only physical and economic hardships but also significant psychological challenges, with family functioning being directly affected by these circumstances (Slone & Shoshani, 2017; Zerach & Gordon-Shalev, 2023). The role of family in either amplifying or mitigating war-related psychological distress through positive interactions (emotional support, cohesion, adaptability, close caregiver relationships) and negative interactions (chronic conflict, emotional suppression, parental burnout, dysfunctional functioning) has been examined in numerous studies (Kurylo et al., 2024; Brickell et al., 2025). Positive family interactions serve as important protective factors during various crises. For example, close family relationships among war-affected youth in the Democratic Republic of Congo significantly moderated the association between cumulative trauma exposure and stress symptoms, emotional and behavioral problems, and even criminal behavior, such that at high levels of relationship quality, these problems were less prevalent (Betancourt et al., 2020; Barazzetti et al., 2025). Similarly, among immigrant parents with traumatic life experiences, social support and family functioning fully mediated the relationship between parental PTSD symptoms and parenting stress, with higher family functioning leading to significantly reduced parenting stress (Maru et al., 2023). Previous research has also emphasized that family cohesion and adaptability are negatively related to distress tolerance and PTSD symptoms, while unhealthy or poor family functioning positively correlates with higher stress symptoms in parents and children (Zelkowitz et al., 2022; Zerach & Gordon-Shalev, 2023). However, despite substantial quantitative evidence from prior studies, a significant research gap exists regarding the in-depth qualitative exploration of Iranian citizens' lived experiences during war. Existing studies are predominantly quantitative, cross-sectional, and focused on Western or African populations, paying less attention to the cultural dimensions and positive/negative family interactions in managing war anxiety within the Iranian context (Brickell et al., 2025; Scharpf et al., 2020; Ungar et al., 2013). The present study, utilizing a phenomenological approach, aims to deeply explore the lived experiences of Iranian citizens during war conditions, identifying both protective and harmful interactional patterns within families. By examining individuals' lived experiences of war conditions, this study provides a principled foundation for designing family-focused interventions, supportive policies, and prevention programs under conditions of military threat. Research Methodology This qualitative study employed a descriptive phenomenological approach within a social interpretivist paradigm. The primary aim was to understand and describe the meaning of individuals' lived experiences of positive and negative family interactions in managing war anxiety within their social and cultural context (Chowdhury, 2014). Data were collected through in-depth semi-structured interviews with 19 citizens (11 women, 8 men) residing in Yazd who reported direct exposure to war conditions and recurrent mental rumination about these experiences. Purposeful sampling continued until theoretical saturation was reached. Participants were recruited through psychological service centers, social networks, and referrals from acquaintances. Data analysis followed Colaizzi's (1978) seven-step method. The steps included: reading transcripts to gain overall familiarity; extracting significant statements; formulating meanings from significant statements; clustering meanings into themes; developing an exhaustive description of the phenomenon; producing the fundamental structure; and returning to participants for validation. To ensure trustworthiness, member checking and expert review were employed. MAXQDA 2020 software was used for systematic data organization, coding documentation, and theme development tracking. Interviews were conducted face-to-face or virtually based on participant preference, lasting 60-80 minutes. Ethical considerations including confidentiality, informed consent, and the right to withdraw were strictly observed. Discussion Positive Family Interactions: Protective Mechanisms Against War Anxiety Analysis revealed three positive themes: emotional refuge of the family, emotion regulation and shared meaning-making, and family cohesion and effectiveness. These themes demonstrate how positive family interactions function as protective factors against war-related anxiety, consistent with previous research on the buffering role of family support during crises (Slone & Shoshani, 2017; Betancourt et al., 2013). Emotional Refuge of the Family: Participants consistently described family as an emotional sanctuary providing safety, security, and comfort during threatening situations. Mutual empathy, active listening, emotional presence, and expressions of love created a space where psychological security was cultivated. One participant stated: "When bad news comes and I feel anxious, my mother just sits and listens to me without judging. Just that listening and knowing someone really cares about me reduces my fear" (Participant 3). Another noted: "On nights when we hear explosions, we all sleep in one room. Maybe nothing changes, but being together makes me feel safer" (Participant 8). This finding aligns with Brickell et al. (2025), who found that healthy family functioning positively correlates with brain health and quality of life among soldiers after traumatic brain injury. Similarly, Scharpf et al. (2024) reported that close relationships with war-affected youth moderated the association between cumulative trauma exposure and PTSD symptoms, emotional and behavioral problems. This protective mechanism operates through facilitating emotional regulation, strengthening collective resilience, and modulating the long-term effects of war trauma (Zerach & Gordon-Shalev, 2023; Slone & Shoshani, 2017). Emotion Regulation and Shared Meaning-Making: Participants emphasized the role of family conversations about war, joint management of exposure to news, and cognitive reinterpretation of threats in collective emotion regulation. One participant shared: "We try to watch news together and talk about it. My parents usually highlight hopeful points so we don't focus only on fear" (Participant 4). Another stated: "My father said we shouldn't keep switching between news channels. We agreed to watch news together just once a day and then turn off the TV. Our anxiety actually decreased" (Participant 17). This finding aligns with Keleynikov et al. (2026), who found that parental burnout during military threats disrupts child emotional regulation. Zerach and Gordon-Shalev (2023) also linked family cohesion with distress tolerance and reduced PTSD symptoms. Shared meaning-making transforms the threat from "uncontrollable" to "manageable," breaking the anxiety cycle through collective cognitive reframing and strengthening perceived control (Gross & Hen, 2004; Scharpf et al., 2020). Family Cohesion and Effectiveness: Maintaining daily routines, role distribution, and collective decision-making strengthened family cohesion and psychological stability. One participant explained: "Even though the outside situation was chaotic, my mother insisted we maintain our usual routines as much as possible—breakfast, studying, housework. This simple order helped us feel life was still ongoing" (Participant 19). This finding aligns with Graham (2020) and Zelkowitz et al. (2022), who identified family functioning as a key factor in reducing mental health concerns during war. Janssen et al. (2025) found that parental interventions with war-affected individuals improved social functioning. Brajković et al. (2024) linked family cohesion with children's socio-emotional functioning. Family cohesion creates a sense of continuity and predictability, serving as a resilience resource during war conditions, reducing anxiety symptoms through improved coping capacity. Negative Family Interactions: Amplifying and Chronicizing Anxiety The three negative themes—family conflict and tension, dysfunctional communication patterns, and transmission of anxiety within the family system—demonstrate how family can become a source of anxiety exacerbation rather than relief. These findings align with Keleynikov et al. (2026) on parental burnout and Zelkowitz et al. (2022) on the relationship between war-related mental health concerns and family functioning. Family Conflict and Tension: Participants described how family conflicts, mutual blame, and disagreements over safety decisions transformed the home environment from a source of security to a source of stress. One participant stated: "Almost every time the topic of war comes up, arguments escalate. We argue so much about what's safer that these arguments become more stressful than the explosions themselves" (Participant 2). Another noted: "My parents had disagreements before, but with the war starting, every decision became an excuse for a new argument. I feel like I'm in the middle of a battlefield both outside and inside the home" (Participant 9). Family conflicts disrupted the basic sense of safety, created a cycle of individual-to-interpersonal anxiety transmission, and perpetuated psychological distress (Catani et al., 2008; Gorman-Smith et al., 2004; Kurylo et al., 2024). Dysfunctional Communication Patterns: Silence about fears, emotional invalidation, and suppression of emotions prevented healthy emotional processing. One participant explained: "No one in our family talks about their fears. If we say something, the topic changes quickly. Gradually, I learned not to say anything and keep my worries to myself" (Participant 5). Another stated: "When I say I'm afraid of going out, they say 'don't be such a baby.' These reactions make me feel my fear is abnormal, and I blame myself more" (Participant 13). This finding aligns with Maru et al. (2023), who identified poor family functioning as exacerbating stress, and Zerach and Gordon-Shalev (2023), who linked emotional suppression with higher PTSD symptoms. Dysfunctional communication patterns function as maladaptive defense mechanisms that, while temporarily suppressing anxiety, ultimately contribute to its chronicity by preventing constructive emotional processing, shared meaning-making, and emotion regulation (Slone & Shoshani, 2017). Transmission of Anxiety Within the Family System: Participants described how parental anxiety reactions—excessive worry, catastrophic predictions, and overprotective behaviors—transferred to children, making the family environment appear more threatening than actual circumstances warranted. One participant stated: "My father constantly follows the news, and whenever there's news, he says loudly that everything's getting worse... Even if we were calm before, seeing his reaction makes us anxious again" (Participant 6). Another explained: "My parents constantly tell me not to go out, not to open windows, that something could happen any moment. Gradually, I feel the world outside is completely unsafe" (Participant 10). This finding aligns with Keleynikov et al. (2026) on parental burnout, and Zelkowitz et al. (2022) demonstrating that war-related mental health concerns significantly correlate with family functioning. Anxiety transmission occurs through observation of cognitive, behavioral, and emotional dimensions, where anxious parents transfer patterns of risk perception and vulnerability through both overt emotional expressions and implicit cues. This creates a self-reinforcing cycle extending anxiety from individual to systemic levels, such that war anxiety becomes part of the family's shared emotional identity (Paydariniyam et al., 2025; Brajković et al., 2024). Conclusion This phenomenological study explored the lived experiences of Iranian citizens regarding positive and negative family interactions in managing war-related anxiety. Three positive themes—emotional refuge of the family, emotion regulation and shared meaning-making, and family cohesion and effectiveness—and three negative themes—family conflict and tension, dysfunctional communication patterns, and transmission of anxiety within the family system—were identified. Positive family interactions function as powerful protective factors, reducing war anxiety through provision of emotional safety, collective meaning-making, and structured support. In contrast, negative interactions amplify and chronicize anxiety through conflict, emotional suppression, and intergenerational transmission of distress. The findings demonstrate that during war conditions, family operates not merely as a peripheral unit but as an active system for regulating, transmitting, and reproducing emotion. Positive family interactions foster a basic sense of safety and collective resilience, while negative interactions shift anxiety from individual to systemic levels and contribute to its persistence. This research contributes to understanding cultural and contextual dimensions of war-related anxiety in Iran, addressing a significant research gap in qualitative explorations of lived experiences. The findings provide a basis for designing family-focused interventions that strengthen positive communication patterns and reduce negative ones under war threat conditions. The study's limitations include its qualitative nature, convenience sampling, focus on one city, reliance on retrospective self-reports, and the specific timing of the research during ongoing security threats. Future research should employ mixed-methods approaches across diverse regions, examine various family structures and age groups, and evaluate the effectiveness of family-based interventions through longitudinal or quasi-experimental designs to provide stronger evidence for policy planning. Family-focused interventions should prioritize strengthening emotional communication, teaching emotion regulation skills, reducing anxiety transmission, and enhancing family cohesion. Integrating these interventions into counseling and psychological services for families exposed to war threats can significantly mitigate anxiety symptoms and promote psychological well-being in affected communities. جامعه ایرانی طی سال‌های اخیر با تهدیدهای امنیتی مداوم و تهاجم خارجی مواجه بوده است که اضطراب جنگ را به پدیده‌ای فراگیر در سطح خانواده تبدیل کرده است. هدف این مطالعه، بررسی دقیق تجربه زیسته افراد در مواجهه با اضطراب جنگ و نقش تعاملات مثبت و منفی خانوادگی در مدیریت این اضطراب بود. پژوهش حاضر با رویکرد پدیدارشناسی توصیفی و در چارچوب پارادایم تفسیرگرایی اجتماعی انجام شد. داده‌ها از طریق مصاحبه‌های عمیق نیمه‌ساختاریافته با ۱۹ شهروند (۱۱ زن و ۸ مرد) ساکن یزد که تجربه مستقیم مواجهه با شرایط جنگ را گزارش کرده بودند، جمع‌آوری گردید. نمونه‌گیری هدفمند تا نقطه اشباع نظری ادامه یافت. تحلیل داده‌ها با روش هفت ‌مرحله‌ای کلایزی (1978) انجام و با بازبینی اعضا و خبرگان اعتبارسنجی شد. به‌منظور سازمان‌دهی منسجم داده‌ها، مستندسازی روند کدگذاری و پیگیری تحول درون‌مایه‌ها، از نرم‌افزار MAXQDA 2020 استفاده شد. مضمون مثبت (پناهگاه عاطفی خانواده، تنظیم هیجان و معنادهی مشترک، انسجام و کارآمدی خانوادگی) و سه مضمون منفی (تعارض و تنش خانوادگی، الگوهای ارتباطی ناکارآمد، انتقال اضطراب در نظام خانواده) شناسایی شد. تعاملات مثبت، حس امنیت پایه و تاب‌آوری جمعی ایجاد کرده و اضطراب را کاهش می‌دادند؛ در حالی‌که تعاملات منفی، اضطراب را از سطح فردی به سیستمیک منتقل کرده و آن را مزمن می‌ساختند. تعاملات خانوادگی به عنوان عامل محوری، اضطراب جنگ را تشدید یا تعدیل می‌کنند. یافته‌ها مبنایی برای طراحی مداخلات خانواده‌محور در شرایط تهدید جنگ ارائه می‌دهد و بر لزوم تقویت الگوهای ارتباطی مثبت و کاهش الگوهای منفی تأکید دارد.

سازمان مطالعه و تدوین کتب دانشگاهی در علوم اسلامی و انسانی (سمت) روان‌شناسی فرهنگی 2588-7211 9 2 2026 02 20 Psychometric Properties of the Persian Version Family Cohesion Scale in Iranian Parents خصوصیات روان‌سنجی نسخۀ فارسی مقیاس اتحاد خانواده در والدین ایرانی 253950 10.30487/jcp.2026.579145.1899 FA محمدرضا روشنائی دکتری تخصصی روانشناسی، گروه روانشناسی، دانشکده علوم اقتصادی و اجتماعی، دانشگاه بوعلی سینا، همدان، ایران 0000-0003-0855-2304 شهریار یارمحمدی واصل استاد، گروه روانشناسی، دانشکدۀ علوم اقتصادی و اجتماعی، دانشگاه بوعلی سینا، همدان، ایران 0000-0001-6891-6953 حسین محققی دانشیار، گروه روانشناسی، دانشکدۀ علوم اقتصادی و اجتماعی، دانشگاه بوعلی سینا، همدان، ایران 0000-0002-4232-2273 محمدرضا ذوقی پایدار دانشیار، گروه روانشناسی، دانشکدۀ علوم اقتصادی و اجتماعی، دانشگاه بوعلی سینا، همدان، ایران 0000-0002-9748-6363 Journal Article 2026 04 19 Family cohesion, known as the quality of interactions among family members, plays a pivotal role in the health and optimal functioning of the family system.Therefore, the aim of the present study was to investigate the psychometric properties of the Persian version of the Family Cohesion Scale(FCS) among Iranian parents.The present research method was quantitative-descriptive.The statistical population included all parents of primary school students in District 5 of Tehran in the academic year 2023-2024.From this population, 336 individuals were selected via convenience sampling and completed the questionnaires. Participants completed the Persian version of the Family Cohesion Scale(FCS), along with the Triangulation Scale(TS), the Emotional Blackmail Scale(EBS), the Marital Interactional Stability Scale(MISS), and the Marital Intimacy Scale(MIS).To examine construct validity,Confirmatory Factor Analysis(CFA) was used. Convergent and divergent validity were assessed using Pearson's correlation coefficient.The reliability of the instrument was evaluated using internal consistency based on Cronbach's alpha coefficient and the split-half method.The results of the confirmatory factor analysis indicated a good fit and adequacy of the three-factor model.Significant correlations between family cohesion and marital interaction and marital intimacy confirmed the convergent validity of the scale.Similarly, significant negative correlations with triangulation and emotional blackmail confirmed its divergent validity.The estimated total reliability coefficients from the Spearman-Brown and Guttman formulas, along with the overall internal consistency of the scale and its subscales, indicated appropriate reliability for this scale.Given the favorable psychometric properties of the Persian version of the Family Cohesion Scale, it can be used as a reliable instrument in the population of Iranian parents. اتحاد خانواده که به عنوان کیفیت تعاملات اعضای خانواده شناخته می‌شود،نقش محوری در سلامت و عملکرد بهینه نظام خانواده دارد. لذا، هدف پژوهش حاضر،بررسی خصوصیات روان‌سنجی نسخۀ فارسی مقیاس اتحاد خانواده در والدین ایرانی بود.روش پژوهش حاضر از نوع کمی-توصیفی بود.جامعه آماری شامل کلیه والدین دانش‌آموزان دوره اول ابتدایی منطقه پنج شهر تهران در سال 1405-1404 بود که از این بین تعداد 336 نفر به روش نمونه‌گیری در دسترس انتخاب و به پرسشنامه‌ها پاسخ دادند.شرکت‌کنندگان نسخه فارسی مقیاس اتحاد خانواده (FCS)، به‌همراه مقیاس مثلث‌سازی(TS)، باج‌گیری عاطفی(EBS)، ثبات تعاملات زناشویی(MISS) و صمیمیت زناشویی(MIS) تکمیل نمودند.برای بررسی روایی سازه از روش تحلیل عاملی تاییدی و روایی همگرا و واگرا از طریق محاسبه ضریب همبستگی پیرسون و برای بررسی پایایی ابزار از شاخص همسانی درونی برمبنای ضریب آلفای کرونباخ و روش دونیمه‌سازی استفاده شد. نتایج تحلیل عاملی تاییدی حاکی از برازش و مطلوب بودن مدل سه بُعدی بود.همبستگی‌های معنادار میان اتحاد خانواده و تعاملات زناشویی و صمیمیت زناشویی روایی همگرا و مثلث‌سازی و باج‌گیری عاطفی روایی واگرا این مقیاس را تایید نمود. ضریب پایایی کل برآوردشده از دو فرمول اسپیرمن-براون و گاتمن و همسانی درونی کلی مقیاس و خرده‌مقیاس‌ها نشان از پایایی مناسب این مقیاس داشت.با توجه به مطلوب بودن خصوصیات روان‌سنجی نسخۀ فارسی مقیاس اتحاد خانواده می‌توان از آن به عنوان یک ابزار معتبر در جامعه والدین ایرانی استفاده کرد.

سازمان مطالعه و تدوین کتب دانشگاهی در علوم اسلامی و انسانی (سمت) روان‌شناسی فرهنگی 2588-7211 9 2 2026 02 20 Conceptual Model of Psychological Weighting of Stressful Events and Explanation of Its Mechanism Based on Islamic Sources مدل مفهومی وزن‌دهی روانی به رویدادهای استرس‌زا و تبیین سازوکار آن بر اساس منابع اسلامی 253878 10.30487/jcp.2026.587444.1916 FA عباس پسندیده استاد، گروه حدیث، دانشکده علوم و معارف حدیثی، دانشگاه قرآن و حدیث، قم، ایران. Journal Article 2026 06 18 Stress is one of the most important contemporary psychological phenomena, but the significant differences among individuals in their experience of psychological pressure indicate that the intensity of stress cannot be explained solely based on the objective characteristics of events. The aim of this study is to examine hadiths that describe the mechanism underlying differences in individuals’ experiences of stress. This research was conducted using a reverse research method designed to extract the logical foundations of religious propositions; in this approach, the research begins with a hadith statement and continues until the underlying logical layer and psychological infrastructure are uncovered. The findings show that the intensity of stress experience depends on an interactive mechanism in which a set of human and cognitive–emotional factors play a role in determining the perceived weight of problems. Accordingly, a concept can be identified as a “stress scale” that determines the weight of problems. This scale introduces five main mechanisms of mental weighting as determinants of the psychological weight of problems:emotional attachment, pleasure-seeking, reference point, perceived legitimacy, and perceived being-seen. These factors, by influencing the mental appraisal system, increase or decrease the psychological weight of problems and thus the intensity of stress. The results suggest that by intervening in these five factors, the weight of stress can be reduced or increased. Furthermore, the interactive stress scale theory can provide a conceptual framework for future research in stress psychology, the design of therapeutic interventions, the enhancement of resilience, and the religious–psychological analysis of the experience of suffering استرس یکی از مهم‌ترین پدیده‌های روان‌شناختی معاصر است، اما تفاوت چشمگیر انسان‌ها در تجربه استرس نشان می‌دهد که شدت استرس را نمی‌توان صرفاً بر اساس ویژگی‌های عینی رویدادها تبیین کرد. هدف پژوهش بررسی احادیثی است که سازوکار تفاوت تجربه استرس در افراد را بیان می کنند. این پژوهش با روش پژوهش معکوس که برای استخراج پایه های منطقی گزاره های دینی طراحی شده انجام شد؛ بدین شکل که پژوهش از گزاره حدیثی شروع و تا کشف لایه منطقی و زیرساخت روانی آن ادامه می یابد. یافته‌های پژوهش نشان می‌دهد که شدت تجربه استرس تابع سازوکاری تعاملی است که در آن مجموعه‌ای از عوامل شناختی ـ عاطفی در تعیین وزن ادراک‌شدۀ مشکلات نقش دارند. بر این اساس، می توان چیزی به نام ترازوی استرس را بازشناخت که وزن مشکلات را مشخص می سازد. این ترازو، پنج سازوکار اصلی وزن‌دهی را به‌عنوان تعیین‌کننده‌های وزن روانی مشکلات معرفی می‌کند: تعلق عاطفی، لذت‌جویی، نقطه‌سنجش، حقانیت و دیده‌شدگی. این عوامل از طریق تأثیر بر سامانه ارزیابی، وزن روانی مشکلات و در نتیجه شدت استرس را افزایش یا کاهش می‌دهند. نتایج پژوهش این که می توان با مداخله در این پنج عامل، وزن استرس را کاهش یا افزایش داد. همچنین، مدل ترازوی استرس می‌تواند چارچوبی مفهومی برای پژوهش‌های آینده در روان‌شناسی استرس، طراحی مداخلات درمانی، ارتقای تاب‌آوری و تحلیل دینی ـ روان‌شناختی تجربه رنج فراهم آورد.

سازمان مطالعه و تدوین کتب دانشگاهی در علوم اسلامی و انسانی (سمت) روان‌شناسی فرهنگی 2588-7211 9 2 2026 02 20 Construction and Psychometric Evaluation of the Family Spirituality Questionnaire Based on the Holy Quran ساخت و بررسی ویژگی‌های روان‌سنجی پرسشنامه معنویت در خانواده بر اساس قرآن کریم 250462 10.30487/jcp.2026.570216.1886 FA جواد مصلحی استادیار، گروه قرآن و علوم، مجتمع آموزش عالی قرآن و حدیث، جامعه المصطفی العالمیه، قم، ایران. 0000-0002-1317-3766 محمدمهدی صفورائی پاریزی استاد روان‌شناسی تربیتی، گروه روان‌شناسی، مجتمع‌آموزش عالی علوم انسانی اسلامی، جامعه المصطفی العالمیه، قم، ایران. سید عیسی مسترحمی دانشیار، گروه قرآن و علوم، مجتمع آموزش عالی قرآن و حدیث، جامعه المصطفی العالمیه، قم، ایران. حسن تقییان استادیار، گروه روان‌شناسی، مجتمع آموزش عالی علوم انسانی اسلامی، جامعه المصطفی العالمیه، قم، ایران Journal Article 2026 01 02 Abstract Within the paradigm of Quranic teachings, the family serves as the focal point for spiritual growth and transcendence. However, existing assessment instruments are predominantly grounded in Western epistemological foundations, rendering them inadequate for evaluating the culture-specific spiritual dynamics inherent in the context of Islamic families. Aiming to bridge this theoretical and instrumental gap, the present study investigated the psychometric properties and validation of the "Quran-based Spirituality in Family Questionnaire" (Quran-SFQ). To this end, employing a cross-sectional survey design, the initial version of the instrument was developed. Following the establishment of face and content validity, the final 54-item version was administered to a sample of 538 parents in the cities of Qom and Mashhad. Findings revealed that a five-factor structure—comprising spiritual beliefs, spiritual practices, spiritual responsibility, spiritual care, and spiritual climate—demonstrated a favorable fit in the Confirmatory Factor Analysis (RMSEA = 0.077, CFI = 0.95). Furthermore, Cronbach’s alpha coefficients for the total scale (0.95) and its subscales (ranging from 0.74 to 0.90) indicated the high reliability of the instrument. Evidence of convergent and discriminant validity was also corroborated via the inter-factor correlation matrix. The results suggest that this 54-item questionnaire is a valid and reliable tool for measuring the multidimensional constructs of spirituality within the Islamic family context and can be effectively utilized in clinical and educational research. Introduction The family constitutes the most profound and fundamental arena of human relationships, serving not only as the primary source of basic individual needs but also as a crucial environment for shaping attitudes, forming beliefs, and facilitating personal development. Within the Islamic worldview, the family is regarded as the optimal setting for spiritual growth and the cultivation of moral and religious sensibilities. The spiritual atmosphere of the family helps parents nurture religious feelings and beliefs in their children, enables couples to strengthen marital bonds, and ultimately enhances family functionality and sustainability. Empirical evidence increasingly supports the effectiveness of religious and Islamic interventions in improving family functioning, marital satisfaction, and the quality of spousal communication. However, a critical examination of existing assessment tools reveals that most available spirituality measures are grounded in Western epistemological frameworks and are incapable of evaluating the culturally specific spiritual dynamics within Muslim families. These secular approaches often fail to comprehend the spiritual dimension and innate human nature (fiṭrah) that constitute the core of human identity in Islamic thought. The lack of epistemological alignment between existing instruments and the lived reality of Muslim families underscores the urgent need for developing culturally grounded, context-sensitive assessment tools that can accurately capture the multifaceted nature of spirituality within Islamic family contexts. A comprehensive review of spirituality definitions in contemporary psychology reveals that most conceptualizations assume a two-dimensional structure: religious spirituality, which involves concepts of the sacred or ultimate reality within a religious framework, and existential spirituality, which refers to psychological experiences not necessarily connected to a divine reality. Despite general consensus on the importance of spirituality, the primary challenge lies in its conceptualization and measurement. Mainstream psychological definitions often reduce spirituality to a personal, secular experience detached from religious context—an approach fundamentally at odds with the Islamic understanding where spirituality is intrinsically intertwined with faith and cannot be understood merely as an inner feeling without a doctrinal framework. In Islamic theology, spirituality represents the essential core of religiosity, extending beyond mere adherence to legal prescriptions. It encompasses knowledge of the unseen and a monotheistic understanding of the cosmic order that underlies worship and ethics, with its primary domain located in the inner dimension of human beings. In this framework, faith constitutes the belief foundation and heartfelt affirmation of religious principles, serving as the basis for any spiritual movement. Taqwā represents the behavioral and practical dimension of faith manifested through self-control and observance of divine limits. Mysticism ('irfān) refers to deep, intuitive, and inner experiences on the path to divine proximity. Qur'anic spirituality integrates all three dimensions: originating in faith, manifesting practically in taqwā, and ultimately reaching profound mystical stations. In this approach, spirituality in the family is not merely a collection of rituals but a comprehensive system of beliefs, orientations, and actions that organizes all aspects of family life toward "divine proximity" and "the good life" (ḥayāt ṭayyibah). Despite the recognized importance of family spirituality, a significant gap exists in the availability of standardized, psychometrically sound instruments grounded in Qur'anic teachings. Most existing scales, such as the Spiritual Well-Being Questionnaire or God Attachment scales, are developed based on Western secular or Christian ontological foundations that do not fully align with Islamic monotheistic frameworks. Domestically developed instruments in Iran have primarily focused on individual spiritual attitudes rather than assessing the systemic spiritual dynamics of the family as a unified whole. Even internationally, specific patterns for measuring "spirituality in the family" are remarkably scarce, with the notable exception of Mahoney's "relational spirituality" model, which remains largely theoretical without a standardized assessment tool. This methodological gap has forced researchers to either rely on translated instruments lacking cultural validity or use researcher-made tools without coherent Qur'anic theoretical foundations. Research Methodology This research employed a mixed-methods design combining qualitative and quantitative approaches. The qualitative phase involved developing a theoretical model through thematic analysis of Qur'anic verses and hadith traditions, while the quantitative phase focused on psychometric evaluation of the resulting instrument. The theoretical five-dimensional model of "spirituality in the family" was previously developed through systematic extraction of themes from Qur'anic verses and traditions, drawing upon over 300 verses, 400 hadiths, and 35 authoritative Shi'a and Sunni commentaries (Moslehi et al., 2025). The statistical population comprised all married parents with children residing in the cities of Qom and Mashhad, with at least middle school education. These cities were purposively selected due to their religious-cultural context, ensuring maximum cultural alignment with the construct under study. Inclusion of families "with children" was based on the theoretical model's inclusion of dimensions such as "spiritual responsibility" and "spiritual care," which are closely tied to intergenerational transmission of values and parental educational roles. Following the initial psychometric evaluation phase involving 100 participants, the final validation sample consisted of 538 parents who completed the 54-item questionnaire. Content validity was established through expert review by 34 specialists in Islamic sciences and psychology, with Content Validity Index (CVI) and Content Validity Ratio (CVR) calculated. Face validity was assessed through administration to 20 parents from the target population. Reliability was examined using Cronbach's alpha, item-total correlations, and inter-item correlation matrices. Construct validity was evaluated through confirmatory factor analysis (CFA) using AMOS software, examining both first-order and second-order factor structures. The final 54-item questionnaire employs a four-point Likert scale ranging from 1 ("very little/not at all") to 4 ("very much/always"). Discussion Theoretical Foundations and the Five-Dimensional Model of Family Spirituality The conceptual framework underlying this instrument establishes spirituality in the family as "the presence of a spiritual atmosphere within the family, formed on the basis of members' spiritual beliefs, spiritual activities, and spiritual care, where these activities and responsibilities are undertaken to maintain such an atmosphere, ultimately leading to family functionality and improved family performance" (Moslehi, 2022, p. 15). This construct is not an abstract concept but a dynamic, interconnected system comprising five Qur'anically-grounded components that exist in a longitudinal and developmental relationship with one another. Spiritual Beliefs (Cognitive Core): This dimension constitutes the foundational substructure of the spiritual family, grounded in a monotheistic worldview. In Qur'anic logic, faith in the Origin and the Return is not merely a heart-felt belief but the driving engine of all family behaviors. Verses such as "those who believe in the unseen" (Qur'an, 2:3) and the emphasis on God's constant presence ("He is with you wherever you are," Qur'an, 57:4) demonstrate that spiritual beliefs determine the overall orientation of the family. This dimension represents the cognitive foundation upon which all other dimensions depend. Spiritual Activities (Practical Manifestation of Beliefs): Beliefs require righteous action for their concretization. This component includes devotional rituals (such as family congregational prayer) and value-based interactions (such as maintaining family ties and charity). The Qur'an consistently pairs faith with righteous action and emphasizes the role of rituals in strengthening the family, as in the command "enjoin prayer upon your family" (Qur'an, 20:132). This dimension translates internal convictions into observable behaviors that shape family life. Spiritual Responsibility (Legal-Structural Framework): In the Qur'anic family system, each member bears responsibility for the spiritual growth and otherworldly salvation of others. This dimension is grounded in the concepts of qiwāmah (guardianship) and mutual responsibility. The verse "protect yourselves and your families from a Fire" (Qur'an, 66:6) explicitly demonstrates that family leadership extends beyond material provision to include spiritual guidance and protection of members. This dimension establishes the normative expectations and obligations that structure family relationships. Spiritual Care (Emotional-Ethical Structure): This dimension represents the gentle, compassionate spirit governing family relationships, operating beyond rigid legal obligations. Concepts such as affection and mercy (Qur'an, 30:21), companionship with kindness (Qur'an, 4:19), forgiveness, and self-sacrifice constitute this component. Spiritual care protects the family environment from moral and psychological harms, creating a space where members feel emotionally secure and supported. Spiritual Atmosphere (Systemic Outcome): This dimension represents the ultimate output of the interaction among the previous four components. The spiritual atmosphere is the tranquility and peace that God sends down upon believing families, forming a home where God's remembrance is elevated. This environment provides a safe and nurturing context for all members, serving as the systemic outcome of the integrated functioning of beliefs, activities, responsibility, and care. Psychometric Properties and Construct Validation Confirmatory factor analysis provided strong support for the five-factor structure of the Quran-SFQ. The goodness-of-fit indices for both first-order and second-order models demonstrated excellent fit, with all comparative fit indices (CFI, IFI) above 0.90, RMSEA values below 0.08, and relative chi-square values below 5. All 54 items showed significant factor loadings (t > 1.96) on their respective factors, with 14 items loading on Spiritual Beliefs, 15 on Spiritual Activities, 7 on Spiritual Responsibility, 10 on Spiritual Care, and 8 on Spiritual Atmosphere. Second-order factor analysis confirmed that all five dimensions load significantly onto the overarching construct of "spirituality in the family," with factor loadings exceeding 0.40. Reliability analysis yielded robust coefficients, with Cronbach's alpha for the total scale at 0.95 and subscale alphas ranging from 0.74 to 0.90. All 54 items demonstrated corrected item-total correlations above 0.3, ranging from 0.45 to 0.78, indicating strong internal consistency. The inter-item correlation matrix was examined to prevent artificial inflation of alpha coefficients, and items with excessive overlap (correlations above 0.80) were eliminated during refinement. Pearson correlation coefficients between subscales (ranging from 0.49 to 0.67) and between subscales and total score (ranging from 0.73 to 0.91) confirmed adequate convergent and discriminant validity, indicating that while components are meaningfully related, each captures a distinct aspect of the multidimensional construct. Theoretical and Practical Implications The validation of this five-dimensional model carries significant theoretical implications for the study of spirituality, particularly within Islamic contexts. First, the identification of Spiritual Beliefs as the central cognitive nucleus aligns with contemporary psychological approaches that conceptualize spirituality as a complex, multidimensional construct. However, the critical distinction lies in the nature of these beliefs—while Western instruments often reduce spirituality to personal experience or individual feelings of sacredness, the Qur'anic model situates beliefs as the foundation of a "monotheistic worldview" that shapes the entire family system. This finding resonates with research demonstrating that religiousness, mediated through constructs such as meaning in life and self-efficacy, exerts profound influence on psychological well-being. Second, the identification of Spiritual Activities as a distinct and essential component reveals a clear departure from Western secular spirituality models that sometimes reduce spirituality to an inner feeling without behavioral manifestation. This finding aligns with research emphasizing the role of religious rituals in family resilience and confirms that shared spiritual activities function as the "glue" connecting family members during life's storms, translating heartfelt faith into concrete behavior. Third, and perhaps most significantly, the emergence of Spiritual Responsibility and Spiritual Care as distinct dimensions represents a novel theoretical contribution. While Western instruments (such as the Spiritual Well-Being Scale) predominantly conceptualize spirituality as a factor promoting "individual peace," this research demonstrates that in Qur'anic logic, spirituality serves as a foundation for mutual commitment and obligation. These two dimensions reveal that in the Qur'anic family, members are responsible for each other's spiritual growth and serve as guardians and protectors of one another. This finding translates the Qur'anic concepts of qiwāmah and mawaddah into psychological language, demonstrating that the spiritual family is a system in which members hold themselves accountable for each other's growth and well-being. Finally, the Spiritual Atmosphere dimension, as the systemic outcome of the preceding four components, represents the overall climate of the family, closely related to the Qur'anic concept of sakīnah (tranquility). This space provides a secure environment for member growth and resilience. This finding is consistent with research demonstrating that spiritual fortitude and spiritual appraisals of life events play a unique role in reducing stress and maintaining psychological cohesion. Collectively, the Quran-SFQ, unlike Western instruments that focus primarily on individual experience, measures spirituality as a systemic and relational phenomenon within the family, demonstrating that spirituality in the Islamic family represents an integrated combination of heartfelt faith, practical commitment, legal responsibility, and ethical care. Practical Applications From an applied perspective, the Quran-SFQ offers significant potential in clinical, research, and educational domains. In clinical and family counseling contexts, therapists can utilize this instrument to map the spiritual profile of families, identifying precisely the strengths and weaknesses across the five dimensions to design more targeted interventions. For example, a family scoring high on beliefs but low on care may require intervention in ethical communication skills to bridge the gap between cognition and behavior. In research settings, the instrument provides a robust foundation for investigating the relationship between family-centered spirituality and key variables such as marital satisfaction, parenting styles, and mental health within Islamic cultural contexts with greater precision than generic instruments. Furthermore, in policy and education, cultural institutions can draw upon the underlying model to develop comprehensive training programs that move beyond mere instruction in individual beliefs toward strengthening the spiritual atmosphere and institutionalizing mutual responsibility within the family context. Conclusion The present research successfully addresses the existing gap in measuring family-centered spirituality by developing and validating a standardized instrument grounded in Qur'anic teachings. The Quran-SFQ demonstrates strong psychometric properties, confirming the five-dimensional theoretical model of spiritual beliefs, spiritual activities, spiritual responsibility, spiritual care, and spiritual atmosphere. Confirmatory factor analysis confirmed that the data fit the proposed model well, with all indices falling within acceptable ranges. Reliability analysis showed excellent internal consistency for both the total scale and subscales, while correlation matrices provided evidence for convergent and discriminant validity. The theoretical novelty of this research lies in demonstrating that in Qur'anic logic, spirituality is not merely an individual feeling or personal experience but a systemic, relational phenomenon that integrates faith, practice, responsibility, care, and atmosphere. The identification of spiritual responsibility and spiritual care as distinct dimensions represents a significant departure from Western models that typically focus on individual experience, revealing that Islamic spirituality inherently involves mutual commitment, obligation, and protection within the family system. This finding underscores the necessity of moving beyond universalizing models toward culturally sensitive approaches in family studies. Despite its contributions, the study faced limitations, including sample concentration in religious cities leading to reduced score variance, cross-sectional design preventing analysis of developmental trajectories, and incomplete item-level analysis due to space constraints. Future research should pursue normative studies across diverse cultural contexts, longitudinal investigations to understand the evolution of family spirituality over time, and evaluation of the relationship between the five-dimensional model and key variables such as mental health, life satisfaction, resilience, and parenting styles. Additionally, designing and testing educational packages based on this model for couples and parents represents an important applied direction. In conclusion, the Quran-SFQ, with its robust psychometric properties, offers an efficient, culturally grounded, and Islamic-context-appropriate instrument that can be utilized by researchers and practitioners for accurate assessment of the multiple dimensions of spirituality within the family system, contributing to both theoretical advancement and practical intervention in the service of family flourishing. خانواده در منظومه معارف قرآنی کانون رشد و تعالی معنوی است؛ با این حال، ابزارهای سنجش موجود غالباً بر مبانی معرفت‌شناسی غربی استوار بوده و از ارزیابی پویایی‌های معنوی خاص فرهنگی در بافت خانواده‌های اسلامی ناتوان‌اند. پژوهش حاضر با هدف پر کردن این خلأ نظری و ابزاری، اقدام به بررسی ویژگی‌های روان‌سنجی و اعتباریابی «پرسشنامه معنویت در خانواده بر اساس قرآن کریم» (Quran-SFQ) نمود. بدین منظور، در یک طرح پیمایشی-مقطعی، نسخه اولیه ابزار تدوین و پس از احراز روایی صوری و محتوایی، نسخه نهایی با ۵۴ گویه بر روی نمونه‌ای ۵۳۸ نفری از والدین شهرهای قم و مشهد اجرا گردید. یافته‌ها نشان داد که ساختار پنج‌عاملی شامل باورهای معنوی، فعالیت‌های معنوی، مسئولیت‌پذیری معنوی، مراقبت‌های معنوی و فضای معنوی از برازش مطلوبی در تحلیل عاملی تأییدی برخوردار است (ریشه میانگین مربعات خطای برآورد= ۰.۰۷۷ و شاخص برازش تطبیقی= ۰.۹۵). همچنین ضریب آلفای کرونباخ برای کل مقیاس (۰.۹۵) و خرده‌مقیاس‌ها (۰.۷۴ تا ۰.۹۰) حاکی از پایایی بالای ابزار بود. شواهد مربوط به روایی واگرا و همگرا نیز از طریق ماتریس همبستگی مؤلفه‌ها تأیید شد. نتایج نشان می‌دهد این پرسشنامه ۵۴ گویه‌ای، ابزاری معتبر و پایا برای سنجش ابعاد چندگانه معنویت در بافت خانواده اسلامی است و می‌تواند در پژوهش‌های بالینی و تربیتی مورد استفاده قرار گیرد.

سازمان مطالعه و تدوین کتب دانشگاهی در علوم اسلامی و انسانی (سمت) روان‌شناسی فرهنگی 2588-7211 9 2 2026 02 20 The Role of Cultural Capital in Reducing Death Anxiety and Suicidal Ideation in Students بررسی نقش سرمایه فرهنگی در کاهش اضطراب مرگ و افکار خودکشی در دانشجویان 248018 10.30487/jcp.2026.508602.1782 FA سیده شیدا عاطفه مند کارشناسی ارشد، گروه روانشناسی، دانشکده علوم انسانی، دانشگاه تربیت مدرس، تهران، ایران. عباسعلی الهیاری دانشیار، گروه روانشناسی، دانشکده علوم انسانی،دانشگاه تربیت مدرس،تهران،ایران. حجت اله فراهانی دانشیار، گروه روانشناسی، دانشکده علوم انسانی، دانشگاه تربیت مدرس،تهران،ایران. Journal Article 2025 02 24 Abstract The present study was conducted with the aim of investigating the relationship between suicidal thoughts, death anxiety and cultural capital in college students. The analysis method in this study was descriptive and correlational. The statistical population of this study included all university students in Tehran in the academic year of 1403-1404, of whom 360 people were included in the study through convenience sampling. To collect data, Beck's suicidal ideation questionnaire (1988), Kent, Wiener, and Placzyk's death anxiety questionnaire (1982), and Balboni, Menardo, and Kobley's cultural capital questionnaire (2019) were used. Pearson correlation coefficient and stepwise multiple regression were used to analyze the data, and data analysis was performed using SPSS 26 software. There is a negative and significant relationship between cultural capital and death anxiety (r=-0.680, p<0.001) and also a negative and significant relationship between cultural capital and suicidal ideation (r=-0.598, p<0.001). The results of multivariate regression with the stepwise method showed that among the dimensions of cultural capital, participatory cultural capital is the strongest predictor of death anxiety (β=-0.384, p<0.001, R2=0.511) and suicidal ideation (β=-0.433, p<0.001, R2=0.521). The findings show that participatory cultural capital, can play an important protective role in reducing death anxiety and suicidal ideation. Introduction Suicidal ideation encompasses a wide spectrum of thoughts, desires, and preoccupations regarding ending one's life, ranging from fleeting considerations to detailed planning, which may or may not be accompanied by intent to act (Beck, Kovacs, & Weissman, 1979). Suicidal thoughts include both active and passive forms. Active suicidal ideation exists when there is a conscious and deliberate desire for lethal self-harm, while passive suicidal ideation refers to a general wish to die without specific plans for lethal self-harm (Harmer, Lee, Dong, & Saadabadi, 2023). Despair and chronic hopelessness dominate the emotional lives of those experiencing suicidal ideation (Harvell-Bowman, Critchfield, et al., 2024). Cultural norms and social scenarios significantly influence how suicide is perceived and enacted, with different societies attributing varied meanings to suicide that shape individual attitudes toward it. The role of family, religion, and community in reinforcing or mitigating these cultural meanings is fundamental (Douglas, 1967). Death anxiety refers to the fear, worry, or apprehension associated with awareness of the death process, whether for oneself or others. Individuals with high death anxiety often experience severe existential distress, emotion dysregulation, and intrusive thoughts (Iverach, Menzies, & Menzies, 2014). Terror Management Theory (Greenberg, Solomon, & Pyszczynski, 1997) posits that humans possess a unique awareness of their mortality, creating a fundamental fear of death. To cope with this fear, individuals rely on two buffers: cultural worldview and self-esteem. Cultural narratives provide frameworks of meaning, order, and symbolic immortality, enabling individuals to transcend their physical mortality and maintain psychological stability. Cultural capital, as conceptualized by Bourdieu (1984), is a form of symbolic capital that individuals in society seek to acquire and possess. Cultural capital manifests in three forms: objectified (cultural goods and artifacts), embodied (dispositions of mind and body, including language skills, tastes, and habits), and institutionalized (educational credentials). High cultural capital is associated with better mental health outcomes through increased access to social support networks (Seale, 1998) and provides frameworks for meaning-making that strengthen existential resilience (Bonsu & Belk, 2003). Participation in cultural activities and communities fosters social belonging and support, which are protective factors against depression and anxiety (Windsor, Lindberg, & Siedorowski, 2018). Despite extensive research on suicidal ideation and death anxiety, the role of cultural factors—particularly cultural capital—in explaining these variables has received less attention. This study aims to investigate the relationships between suicidal ideation, death anxiety, and cultural capital among university students. Research Methodology This descriptive correlational study was conducted on 360 university students from public, Azad, and Payam Noor universities in Tehran during the 2024-2025 academic year. Participants were selected through convenience sampling. Data were collected using the Beck Scale for Suicidal Ideation (BSSI; 1988), the Death Anxiety Scale (Templer, 1970), and the Cultural Capital Questionnaire (Balboni, Menardo, & Cubelli, 2019). The Cultural Capital Questionnaire comprises three dimensions: participatory cultural capital (active engagement), applied cultural capital (passive consumption), and skill-based cultural capital. The Beck Scale for Suicidal Ideation includes 19 items measuring desire for death, desire for suicide, and preparation for suicide. The Death Anxiety Scale contains 15 items assessing cognitive, affective, and physiological responses to death-related thoughts. All instruments demonstrated acceptable reliability (Cronbach's α > 0.70). Data were analyzed using SPSS version 26, employing Pearson correlation coefficients and stepwise multiple regression. Discussion The Relationship Between Cultural Capital and Suicidal Ideation The results revealed a significant negative correlation between cultural capital and suicidal ideation (r = -0.598, p < 0.001). Among the three dimensions, participatory cultural capital demonstrated the strongest negative relationship with suicidal ideation (r = -0.446, p < 0.001). This finding is consistent with Cuypers et al. (2012), who found that active cultural participation is associated with lower depressive symptoms, and with Ten Kate, de Koster, and van der Waal (2017), who reported a negative relationship between cultural participation and depression. Participatory cultural capital provides opportunities for emotional expression and processing, reducing psychological distress and suicidal thoughts. Active engagement in cultural activities strengthens sense of belonging, connection with others, and reduces isolation—factors that protect against suicidal ideation. The relationship between cultural capital and reduced suicidal ideation can be explained through several mechanisms. First, cultural capital enhances social integration, which Durkheim identified as a crucial factor in suicide prevention. Social bonds provide meaning and purpose in life. Second, participatory cultural capital fosters a multidimensional and enduring sense of self, which can serve as a buffer against existential crises. Third, cultural engagement promotes emotional regulation through artistic expression, providing healthy outlets for processing difficult emotions. Fourth, cultural capital equips individuals with critical thinking and problem-solving skills applicable to life stressors. Fifth, exposure to cultural narratives can instill a sense of connection to traditions and social movements, reducing feelings of isolation and meaninglessness. In contrast, applied cultural capital—involving passive consumption such as watching films or reading without active engagement—lacks the interactive benefits of active participation. This study demonstrates that active cultural participation exerts a stronger influence on reducing suicidal ideation than passive cultural consumption. The Relationship Between Cultural Capital and Death Anxiety The results also revealed a significant negative correlation between cultural capital and death anxiety (r = -0.680, p < 0.001), with participatory cultural capital emerging as the strongest predictor (β = -0.433, p < 0.001). This finding aligns with Yalom (1980), who argued that fear of death often stems from a lack of perceived meaning in life. Creating and embracing meaning in life, reflecting on personal values, and cultivating deep relationships lead to reduced death anxiety. Participation in cultural activities facilitates meaning-making and connects individuals to broader social frameworks. Cultural engagement reduces isolation, which intensifies death anxiety, and can decrease rumination about death. Individuals with high cultural capital may have access to sophisticated existential or philosophical frameworks that help manage death anxiety. Through exposure to art, literature, and philosophy, they may acquire methods of thinking that facilitate coping with mortality. These cultural resources can provide meaning and structure, allowing individuals to face death with greater acceptance. Cultural capital shapes an individual's worldview, including religious or secular beliefs about death, and may influence adoption of perspectives that view death as a natural part of life or as a transition to other forms of existence. The idea that one's cultural legacy will endure through artistic creations, writings, or community contributions can provide comfort by offering a sense of symbolic immortality. Participation in creative cultural activities helps individuals cope with death anxiety through symbolic immortality. Participatory Cultural Capital as the Strongest Predictor Participatory cultural capital emerged as the strongest predictor of both death anxiety (β = -0.384, p < 0.001, R² = 0.511) and suicidal ideation (β = -0.433, p < 0.001, R² = 0.521). This finding underscores the importance of active engagement over passive consumption. Active participation in cultural activities provides opportunities for emotional expression and processing, reducing psychological distress and suicidal thoughts. Through participation, individuals may develop a more enduring and multidimensional sense of self that can serve as a buffer against existential crises. Participation in cultural ceremonies and rituals presents death as a natural and collective process rather than an individual event. In artistic spaces, death can be dramatized, symbolized, or even re-interpreted humorously within creative contexts, offering counter-narratives that may reduce death anxiety. Social connections established through participation provide emotional security, a protective factor against existential distress. Participatory cultural capital serves as a bridge for processing existential concerns and reducing death anxiety. Active engagement in cultural activities connects individuals to broader narratives or cultural traditions, strengthening sense of purpose and meaning. Frankl (1984) emphasized that meaning-making is crucial in reducing death anxiety, as those who find their lives meaningful are better equipped to face mortality. While applied and skill-based cultural capital also showed significant negative relationships with suicidal ideation and death anxiety, their predictive power was weaker. This finding suggests that active cultural participation provides greater psychological benefits than passive consumption, highlighting the importance of interactive engagement for mental health outcomes. The Relationship Between Death Anxiety and Suicidal Ideation A significant positive correlation was found between death anxiety and suicidal ideation (r = 0.679, p < 0.001). This finding is consistent with Liu et al. (2025), who demonstrated that death anxiety increases suicide risk by altering future time perspective and weakening self-efficacy in emotion regulation. In this study, the regression models explained 52.1% of the variance in suicidal ideation and 51.1% of the variance in death anxiety, indicating that cultural capital dimensions substantially account for these psychological outcomes. The positive relationship between death anxiety and suicidal ideation suggests that existential fears may contribute to vulnerability to suicidal thinking, particularly among individuals lacking adequate coping mechanisms. When individuals cannot find meaning in life or lack social integration, death anxiety may paradoxically increase the appeal of suicide as an escape from existential distress. Conclusion This study demonstrates that cultural capital—particularly participatory cultural capital—plays a significant protective role in reducing both death anxiety and suicidal ideation among university students. The findings reveal that active engagement in cultural activities, rather than passive consumption, provides the strongest buffer against these psychological vulnerabilities. Cultural capital facilitates meaning-making, emotional regulation, and social integration, addressing core existential concerns that underlie both death anxiety and suicidal ideation. The significant positive correlation between death anxiety and suicidal ideation confirms that existential fears contribute to suicide risk, particularly when cultural resources for meaning-making are limited. The regression models explained over 50% of the variance in both outcome variables, highlighting the substantial contribution of cultural capital dimensions to these psychological phenomena. These findings align with Terror Management Theory, self-determination theory, and Bourdieu's cultural capital framework, suggesting that cultural resources provide essential tools for managing existential concerns and maintaining psychological well-being. The study's limitations include convenience sampling, restriction to Tehran universities, reliance on self-report measures, and cross-sectional design. Future research should employ qualitative methods to explore lived experiences, longitudinal designs to establish causal relationships, and diverse samples to examine cultural variations. These findings have implications for mental health interventions, suggesting that promoting active cultural participation may serve as a protective factor against suicidal ideation and death anxiety among students. Universities should consider integrating cultural engagement opportunities into student support services and mental health promotion strategies. پژوهش حاضر با هدف بررسی رابطه افکار خودکشی، اضطراب مرگ و سرمایه فرهنگی در دانشجویان انجام شد. روش تحلیل در این پژوهش توصیفی و از نوع همبستگی بود. جامعه آماری این پژوهش شامل کلیه دانشجویان دانشگاه‌های شهر تهران (دولتی،آزاد و پیام نور) در سال 1403-1404 بود که 360 نفر از آنان به روش نمونه‌گیری در دسترس وارد مطالعه شدند. برای جمع آوری داده‌ها از پرسشنامه‌های افکار خودکشی بک (1988)، اضطراب مرگ کنت، وینر و پلاچیک (1982) و سرمایه فرهنگی بالبونی، مناردو و کوبلی )2019 (استفاده شد. برای تجزیه و تحلیل داده‌ها از ضریب همبستگی پیرسون و رگرسیون چندگانه گام به گام استفاده شد و تجزیه و تحلیل داده‌ها با استفاده از نرم افزار 26 SPSS انجام شد. نتایج نشان داد که رابطه مثبت و معنادار بین اضطراب مرگ و افکار خودکشی (001/0=0/679, p

سازمان مطالعه و تدوین کتب دانشگاهی در علوم اسلامی و انسانی (سمت) روان‌شناسی فرهنگی 2588-7211 9 2 2026 02 20 Construction and Validation of the Ethnolinguistic Identity Scale and Its Relationship with Self-Esteem in a Student Population ساخت و اعتباریابی مقیاس هویت قومی- زبانی و رابطه آن با حرمت خود در جمعیت دانشجویی 248019 10.30487/jcp.2026.570006.1885 FA زهرا نوروزی استادیار، گروه زبان و ادبیات عرب، دانشگاه پبام‌نور، تهران، ایران. 0009-0000-0438-2972 جعفر حیدری دکترای تخصصی، گروه حقوق و علوم اجتماعی، دانشگاه پبام‌نور، تهران، ایران. 0000-0003-1617-5617 بهمن اسماعیلی انامق گروه روان شناسی، دانشکده علوم تربیتی و روانشناسی، دانشگاه محقق اردبیلی، اردبیل، ایران. 0000-0002-7512-6770 Journal Article 2025 12 31 Abstract Ethnic language is a core component of cultural identity and plays a vital role in shaping self-esteem and psychological well-being in multilingual societies. This study aimed to develop and psychometrically validate the Ethnolinguistic Identity Scale (ELIS) and examine its relationship with self-esteem among Iranian university students. A descriptive cross-sectional design was employed, with 690 students recruited through online convenience sampling. Data were collected using the newly developed 25-item Ethnolinguistic Identity Scale and a standardized measure of self-esteem. Exploratory factor analysis identified five dimensions—ethnolinguistic knowledge, ethnolinguistic belonging, ethnolinguistic self-esteem, ethnolinguistic language use, and ethnolinguistic language maintenance and transmission—which together accounted for approximately 79/86% of the total variance. Confirmatory factor analysis supported a good model fit. Reliability was established through Cronbach’s alpha (0.91), composite reliability (0.95), and test–retest reliability (0.76). Furthermore, concurrent validity was supported by a significant positive correlation with self-esteem, while known-groups validity was demonstrated by the scale’s ability to differentiate between varying levels of ethnic language use. Overall, the findings indicate that the Ethnolinguistic Identity Scale is a multidimensional instrument with robust psychometric properties, suitable for application in psychological and cultural research and interventions. Additionally, ethnolinguistic identity is associated with higher levels of self-esteem among students in multilingual societies and may help explain individual differences in self-esteem. Introduction Language, far beyond being a mere tool for message transmission, represents one of the most fundamental cultural and social symbols that carries meaning, values, history, and collective identity within a group (Kumar, 2024). For many communities, ethnic and local language is not simply a means of communication but an essential component of "cultural identity" and the primary factor in maintaining social belonging and cohesion (Trisnawati, 2017). The preservation and transmission of ethnic language play a vital role in strengthening cultural identity, social cohesion, and sense of belonging. Conversely, the weakening or reduction of its function can lead to identity rupture and psychological harm, affecting an individual's perception of connection and belonging to their community (Myronova et al., 2022). Giles and Johnson (1987) define ethnolinguistic identity as the process through which an ethnic group is defined by its language, emphasizing that language serves not only a communicative function but also symbolizes culture, values, and individual-collective identity. This conceptualization continues to be validated in contemporary research, with recent studies highlighting language as a core element of belonging, identity coherence, and cultural continuity (Danilov, 2025). The concept of ethnolinguistic identity holds particular relevance in multilingual and university environments, where students are at a critical stage of identity transition, constantly interacting with the dominant academic language and culture. In such settings, students often experience conflict between the dominant university language and their ethnic language. Under these conditions, ethnolinguistic identity can serve as a significant protective factor against intra-cultural pressures, identity conflicts, cultural dissonance, and even linguistic discrimination (Trifonova, 2021). Research has demonstrated that higher levels of ethnic/cultural identity play a protective role in students' psychological well-being, associating with better psychological adjustment and self-esteem, particularly when group identity is perceived as stable and positive (Iwamoto & Liu, 2010). When individuals recognize membership in a language group and consider ethnic language inseparable from their personal identity, this sense of belonging can function as a source of psychological stability, social support, resilience, and identity security. Conversely, neglect or weakening of this identity dimension may be accompanied by anxiety, isolation, identity confusion, diminished self-esteem, and psychological vulnerability (Balidemaj & Small, 2019; Alshehri, 2023; Li & Tsai, 2025). Iran's extensive ethnic and linguistic diversity, described as the "multi-ethnic mosaic of Iran" (Majbouri & Fesharaki, 2019), demonstrates that ethnic and linguistic identity constitutes a fundamental component of the country's social structure. This cultural diversity underscores the importance of developing standardized instruments for accurately measuring ethnolinguistic identity. However, despite this diversity, no comprehensive and locally validated instrument exists for measuring ethnolinguistic identity. Most existing scales focus on general ethnic identity or official language, failing to adequately capture the emotional, symbolic, identity-related, and functional dimensions of ethnic language that are essential for understanding identity bonds and psychological outcomes. Existing instruments such as the Multigroup Ethnic Identity Measure (MEIM; Phinney & Ong, 2007), despite their widespread validity and application, do not explicitly address the linguistic dimension of identity. This gap is particularly significant in multilingual contexts where language serves as the primary marker of ethnic identity. The present study aims to address this gap by developing and validating a culturally appropriate Ethnolinguistic Identity Scale (ELIS) for the Iranian student population and examining its relationship with self-esteem. Research Methodology This descriptive cross-sectional study was conducted on 690 university students recruited through online convenience sampling. Participants were selected through internet-based invitations via social media platforms including Telegram, WhatsApp, Eitaa, Royika, and Instagram, targeting student groups and channels. Inclusion criteria included being a student, Iranian citizenship and residence in Iran, internet access, ability to respond, and informed consent. Exclusion criteria included incomplete questionnaires, illogical responses, duplicate participation, and missing entry criteria. The research employed the newly developed Ethnolinguistic Identity Scale (EIS) and the Rosenberg Self-Esteem Scale (RSES; Rosenberg, 1979). Instrument development followed Boateng et al.'s (2018) guidelines for developing psychological measurement tools. Initial items were generated through deductive and inductive approaches. In the deductive approach, systematic review of theoretical foundations, previous research, and existing instruments informed item generation. In the inductive approach, interviews and expert consultation enriched content from experiential and practical perspectives. Initially, 35 items were developed, followed by face validity assessment with 10 students and content validity evaluation by 8 experts in sociology, psychology, and psychometrics. Ten items were removed based on feedback. Content Validity Ratio (CVR≥0.78) and Content Validity Index (CVI≥0.75) confirmed content adequacy. Data were analyzed using SPSS-24 and AMOS-24 through exploratory factor analysis (EFA) with principal component analysis and Promax rotation, confirmatory factor analysis (CFA), reliability assessment (Cronbach's alpha, composite reliability, test-retest), and validity evaluation (convergent, divergent, concurrent, and known-groups validity). Ethical approval was obtained, with confidentiality, voluntary participation, and anonymity maintained throughout. Discussion Factor Structure of the Ethnolinguistic Identity Scale Exploratory factor analysis revealed a five-factor structure for the Ethnolinguistic Identity Scale, explaining 79.86% of the total variance. The KMO measure (0.92) and Bartlett's test (χ²=5296.467, df=190, P<0.001) confirmed sampling adequacy. The five factors—ethnolinguistic knowledge, ethnolinguistic belonging, ethnolinguistic self-esteem, ethnolinguistic language use, and ethnolinguistic maintenance and transmission—demonstrated strong factor loadings (above 0.70) and communalities (0.75-0.84). This multidimensional structure aligns with contemporary perspectives in cultural and linguistic identity studies that conceptualize identity as dynamic, social, and multi-layered rather than static (Hall, 1993; Phinney & Ong, 2007). Confirmatory factor analysis supported the hierarchical model with excellent fit indices (CFI=0.99, TLI=0.99, RMSEA=0.03, χ²/df=0.85), confirming the theoretical structure. Ethnolinguistic Knowledge represents the cognitive dimension, encompassing awareness of the history, background, characteristics, and distinctions of one's ethnic language. This dimension's significant positive correlation with self-esteem (r=0.59) aligns with findings from Wantchekon et al. (2023), Urzúa et al. (2021), and Ghosh and Mohan (2020), who demonstrated that knowledge and awareness of ethnic language forms the foundation for belonging and identity differentiation. From the perspective of self-determination theory (Ryan, 2023), knowledge of ethnic language can satisfy the need for competence and belonging, thereby enhancing self-esteem and psychological well-being. Hall's (1993) theory of identity suggests that identity is reproduced through narratives and historical knowledge, with language serving as the anchor for these narratives. Cognitive awareness of ethnic language helps individuals position themselves within historical and cultural continuity, reinforcing identity coherence and psychological stability. Ethnolinguistic Belonging captures the affective dimension, representing emotional connection, rootedness, and attachment to ethnic language and group. The significant correlation between this dimension and self-esteem (r=0.53) is consistent with Schiro et al. (2021) and Park et al. (2024), who found that ethnolinguistic belonging plays a central role in self-esteem. This finding aligns with self-determination theory, as belonging represents a fundamental psychological need (Ryan, 2023). When this need is satisfied through ethnic language, individuals experience greater acceptance, security, and self-worth. Previous research has consistently demonstrated that cultural and linguistic belonging is associated with positive psychological outcomes (Oh & Fuligni, 2010). The belonging dimension reflects the emotional significance of language as a vehicle for identity expression and community connection, which is particularly salient in multilingual contexts where language serves as a primary marker of group membership. Ethnolinguistic Self-Esteem emerged as an independent dimension, representing the experience of ethnic language as a source of pride, competence, and personal value. This dimension's strong correlation with self-esteem (r=0.56) aligns with collective self-esteem theory (Crocker & Luhtanen, 1990), which posits that positive valuation of one's ethnic-linguistic group enhances individual self-worth. When ethnic language is internalized as a valuable part of self, individuals extend this value to their personal identity, strengthening self-esteem. This finding is also explicable through Bourdieu's (1986) cultural capital theory, where ethnic language, when perceived as valuable capital, can elevate symbolic status and enhance feelings of competence and psychological power. Consistent with research by Ghosh and Mohan (2020), Li and Tsai (2025), Alshehri (2023), and Balidemaj and Small (2019), ethnolinguistic self-esteem directly relates to self-esteem through the positive appraisal of one's linguistic heritage. Ethnolinguistic Language Use represents the behavioral dimension, reflecting active engagement with ethnic language in daily interactions. This dimension's positive correlation with self-esteem (r=0.51) aligns with Schiro et al. (2021), Fatimah and Mugiar (2023), and Khan and Khanlou (2021), demonstrating that active language use strengthens identity boundaries and belonging. According to Giles and Johnson's (1987) ethnolinguistic identity theory, when individuals consistently use and transmit their ethnic language, linguistic identity transcends symbolic status to become lived experience, enhancing identity coherence and self-esteem. Bourdieu's (1986) cultural capital theory further supports this finding, viewing language as symbolic capital produced and reproduced in social contexts, serving as a source of power, meaning, and identity prestige. Active language use represents a behavioral commitment to identity that reinforces self-concept and psychological well-being. Ethnolinguistic Maintenance and Transmission represents the future-oriented dimension, reflecting commitment to language continuity across generations. The significant correlation with self-esteem (r=0.48) is consistent with Berry's (1997) acculturation framework, where ethnic language maintenance alongside engagement with dominant culture promotes identity balance and psychological adjustment. From self-determination theory, language use and transmission can simultaneously satisfy autonomy, competence, and belonging needs (Ryan, 2023). Research by Trifonova (2021) and Park et al. (2024) confirms that maintenance and transmission of ethnic language is associated with greater resilience, reduced psychological vulnerability, and higher self-esteem. This dimension captures the intergenerational commitment essential for cultural continuity, demonstrating that identity investment in future generations contributes to current psychological well-being. Relationship Between Ethnolinguistic Identity and Self-Esteem Multiple regression analysis revealed that all five dimensions of ethnolinguistic identity significantly predicted self-esteem, with the total score explaining 54% of the variance. This finding is consistent with a substantial body of research demonstrating the protective role of ethnic and linguistic identity in mental health (Oh & Fuligni, 2010; Ghosh & Mohan, 2020; Wantchekon et al., 2023; Kim & Choe, 2025). From self-determination theory, the relationship can be explained by ethnolinguistic identity satisfying fundamental psychological needs—particularly belonging, competence, and autonomy—thereby enhancing self-esteem (Ryan, 2023). When ethnic language is used freely without social denigration, it strengthens the experience of the "authentic self" and increases internal coherence. In the university context, where students navigate multiple cultural and linguistic frameworks, positive ethnolinguistic identity provides a stable foundation for self-evaluation and psychological well-being. Known-groups validity confirmed the scale's ability to differentiate between high and low ethnic language use groups, supporting its discriminant validity. The scale's strong psychometric properties—Cronbach's alpha (0.91), composite reliability (0.95), test-retest reliability (0.76), convergent validity (AVE>0.50), and discriminant validity—confirm its utility for research and intervention in psychological and cultural studies. Conclusion This study successfully developed and validated the Ethnolinguistic Identity Scale (ELIS), a multidimensional instrument with robust psychometric properties for the Iranian student population. The five-factor structure—knowledge, belonging, self-esteem, language use, and maintenance/transmission—provides a comprehensive framework for understanding the complex, multi-layered nature of ethnolinguistic identity. The scale demonstrates excellent reliability (α=0.91, CR=0.95) and validity, including convergent, discriminant, concurrent, and known-groups validity. The findings confirm that ethnolinguistic identity is not a static attribute but a dynamic process involving cognitive awareness, emotional attachment, positive valuation, active behavioral engagement, and intergenerational commitment. Furthermore, the significant positive relationship with self-esteem (r=0.74) highlights the protective function of ethnolinguistic identity in psychological well-being, particularly in multilingual contexts where individuals navigate multiple cultural and linguistic frameworks. This relationship can be understood through the satisfaction of fundamental psychological needs—belonging, competence, and autonomy—as conceptualized in self-determination theory. The scale offers practical applications for research and intervention in cultural psychology, psycholinguistics, and identity studies. It can facilitate investigation of the role of ethnolinguistic identity in psychological outcomes, acculturation processes, and intergroup relations. In clinical and educational settings, the scale can inform culturally sensitive interventions that strengthen ethnolinguistic identity to promote psychological well-being and resilience. Future research should examine the scale's applicability across diverse ethnic groups, longitudinal validity, and its relationship with other psychological constructs. This instrument provides a valuable tool for understanding and supporting ethnolinguistic identity in Iran's diverse multilingual context and other similar multicultural societies. زبان قومی یکی از مؤلفه‌های بنیادین هویت فرهنگی است که نقش مهمی در شکل‌گیری حرمت خود و بهزیستی روان‌شناختی افراد در جوامع چندزبانه دارد. هدف این پژوهش، ساخت و اعتباریابی مقیاس هویت قومی–زبانی و بررسی رابطه آن با حرمت خود در دانشجویان ایرانی بود. این مطالعه توصیفی–مقطعی بر روی 690 دانشجو انجام شد که به روش نمونه‌گیری در دسترس و از طریق فراخوان اینترنتی انتخاب شدند. داده‌ها با استفاده از مقیاس هویت قومی–زبانی طراحی‌شده و مقیاس حرمت خود گردآوری شد. پس از تدوین اولیه 35 گویه و بررسی روایی محتوایی و صوری، نسخه نهایی 25 گویه‌ای مقیاس اجرا شد. تحلیل عاملی اکتشافی پنج عامل شامل دانش قومی–زبانی، تعلق قومی–زبانی، عزت نفس قومی–زبانی، کاربرد زبان قومی و حفظ و انتقال زبان قومی را استخراج کرد که در مجموع 79/86 درصد از واریانس کل را تبیین نمود. نتایج تحلیل عاملی تأییدی نیز برازش مطلوب مدل را تأیید کرد. پایایی مقیاس از طریق آلفای کرونباخ (0/91)، پایایی ترکیبی (0/95) و بازآزمایی (0/76) تأیید شد. همچنین، روایی ملاکی همگرا از طریق همبستگی و قدرت پیش‌بینی مثبت حرمت خود و روایی تشخیصی با تفکیک سطوح مختلف کاربرد زبان قومی تأیید گردید. یافته‌ها نشان می‌دهد مقیاس هویت قومی–زبانی ابزاری چندبعدی با روایی و پایایی مناسب است که قابلیت کاربرد در پژوهش‌ها و مداخلات روان‌شناختی و فرهنگی را دارد و این مفهوم می‌تواند به تقویت حرمت خود و انسجام هویتی در دانشجویان جوامع چندزبانه کمک کند.

سازمان مطالعه و تدوین کتب دانشگاهی در علوم اسلامی و انسانی (سمت) روان‌شناسی فرهنگی 2588-7211 9 2 2026 02 20 Positive Affect Among Iranian EFL Learners: A Scoping Review through the Lens of Affect Valuation Theory عواطف مثبت در میان زبان‌آموزان ایرانی: یک مطالعه مرور دامنه‌ای از منظر نظریه ارزش‌گذاری عاطفه 253368 10.30487/jcp.2026.599919.1939 FA محمدشاهین تقدمی استادیار، گروه مطالعات زبان، پژوهشکده تحقیق و توسعه علوم انسانی «سمت»، تهران، ایران. 0000-0001-5439-2634 Journal Article 2026 08 30 The positive turn in Second Language Acquisition has revitalized the exploration of learner well-being; however, foundational models remain predominantly Western-centric, often prioritizing high-arousal exultation over restorative states. This scoping review systematically maps the landscape of positive affect research among Iranian EFL learners through the lens of Affect Valuation Theory, synthesizing 122 empirical studies (2016–2026). The findings reveal an Iranian Affective Pyramid with a broad High Arousal Positive (HAP) foundation, dominated by Foreign Language Enjoyment, and a narrow, emerging tip of Low Arousal Positive (LAP) states. This distribution indicates a methodological HAP-bias, wherein standard psychometric instruments prioritize excitement while often omitting restorative dimensions. The review identifies critical empirical gaps, including a total demographic silence regarding learners under the age of 12, a systemic reliance on static cross-sectional modeling, and a specialist bias toward university English majors. While recent research (2024–2026) suggests that LAP-oriented states like Foreign Language Peace of Mind function as culturally congruent shields against systemic educational stress, the literature remains theoretically fragmented. This review identifies the missing ends of the arousal spectrum, peak HAP and prosocial LAP states, as the next research frontier, advocating for a decolonized positive psychology in Iran that recognizes Aramesh (inner peace) as a functional survival strategy and calls for a developmentally and methodologically dynamic research agenda. رویکرد مثبت‌گرا در اکتساب زبان دوم، کاوش در بهزیستی زبان‌آموزان را جانی دوباره بخشیده است؛ با این حال، مدل‌های بنیادی عمدتاً غرب‌محور باقی مانده و بر شور و شعف به جای حالات آرامش‌بخش تأکید دارند. این مطالعه مرور دامنه‌ای با بهره‌گیری از نظریه ارزش‌گذاری عاطفه به بررسی پژوهش‌های عواطف مثبت در میان زبان‌آموزان ایرانی پرداخته و ۱۲۲ مطالعه تجربی (۲۰۱۶ تا ۲۰۲۶) را سنتز و تحلیل کرده است. یافته‌ها نشان‌دهنده یک «هرم عاطفی ایرانی» با قاعده‌ای سنگین از عواطف مثبت با برانگیختگی بالا است که در آن لذت یادگیری زبان خارجی متغیر مرکزی محسوب می‌شود. این سوگیری ناشی از یک فیلتر روش‌شناختی است؛ جایی که ابزارهای روان‌سنجی استاندارد، هیجان را در اولویت قرار داده و حالات آرامش‌بخش را نادیده می‌گیرند. این مطالعه خلاءهای تجربی عمیقی را شناسایی می‌کند: سکوت کامل جمعیت‌شناختی در مورد کودکان زیر ۱۲ سال، اتکا به مدل‌سازی‌های مقطعی، و سوگیری در انتخاب شرکت‌کنندگان (تمرکز بر دانشجویان زبان انگلیسی). با وجود تحول در مطالعات اخیر (۲۰۲۴-۲۰۲۶) که نشان می‌دهد حالات عاطفی با برانگیختگی پایین مانند آرامش ذهنی در یادگیری زبان، به عنوان سپرهای فرهنگی در برابر استرس‌های آموزشی عمل می‌کنند، این حوزه از نظر نظری همچنان پراکنده است. در نهایت، این پژوهش مرزهای بعدی تحقیق را در دو انتهای طیف برانگیختگی، یعنی حالات اوجِ عواطف مثبت با برانگیختگی بالا و حالات جامعه‌پسندِ عواطف مثبت با برانگیختگی پایین معرفی کرده و از یک روان‌شناسی مثبت‌گرای استعمارزدایی‌شده در ایران دفاع می‌کند که آرامش را به عنوان یک راهبرد بقای عملکردی به رسمیت شناخته و خواستار دستورکار پژوهشی فراگیر و پویاست.

سازمان مطالعه و تدوین کتب دانشگاهی در علوم اسلامی و انسانی (سمت) روان‌شناسی فرهنگی 2588-7211 9 2 2026 02 20 Exploring Iranian Married Individuals' Experiences of Failure in Cognitive-Behavioral Couple Therapy واکاوی تجارب متأهلین ایرانی از شکست زوج‌درمانی شناختی - رفتاری 248075 10.30487/jcp.2026.568276.1883 FA بهاره بدری دانشجوی دکتری رشته روانشناسی بالینی، دانشکده علوم انسانی، دانشگاه علم و فرهنگ، تهران، ایران 0009-0007-4854-2262 محسن کچویی استادیار گروه روانشناسی، دانشکده علوم انسانی، دانشگاه علم و فرهنگ، تهران، ایران منصوره السادات صادقی دانشیار پژوهشکده خانواده، دانشگاه شهید بهشتی، تهران، ایران حجت اله فراهانی دانشیار گروه روانشناسی، دانشگاه تربیت مدرس، تهران، ایران لیلی پناغی دانشیار پزشکی اجتماعی، پژوهشکده خانواده، دانشگاه شهید بهشتی، تهران، ایران Journal Article 2025 12 23 Abstract The present study aimed to explore the lived experiences of married Iranian individuals regarding the failure of cognitive-behavioral couple therapy (CBCT). The primary focus was to identify the inhibiting factors that, within Iran's unique socio-cultural context, contribute to therapeutic failure from the clients' perspective. This qualitative research was conducted in 2023–2024 using thematic analysis. A purposive sample of 9 participants was recruited from independent clinics in Tehran, and data were collected through semi-structured interviews until saturation was reached. Data analysis followed the systematic method of Braun and Clarke (2016). The findings revealed that CBCT failure in Iran is the result of a vicious cycle in which the therapist's inability to manage sessions, lack of specialized knowledge, and low self-awareness—which leads to the expression of personal beliefs and cultural biases—merge with weaknesses in specialized couple-therapy competencies, such as ethical violations, disregard for therapeutic structure, excessive homework assignments, and failure to monitor progress. When these therapist-related factors combine with inhibiting couple characteristics, including mandated therapy attendance, responsibility avoidance, and blurred couple boundaries, they produce outcomes such as intensified hopelessness, negative attributions, and premature termination of therapy. These findings underscore the necessity of enhancing therapists' fundamental and specialized competencies, screening for negative prognostic indicators, and intelligently localizing treatment protocols to reduce therapeutic failure. Introduction Couple therapy holds a special place in the field of psychotherapy as one of the most effective interventions for resolving marital conflicts (Driver, 2006). Among various therapeutic approaches, Cognitive-Behavioral Couple Therapy (CBCT) has gained particular prominence due to its structured nature and strong empirical support. This approach, by integrating behavioral change strategies with cognitive restructuring, helps couples experience more constructive interactions (Halford, 2003). The necessity of applying CBCT in Iran becomes particularly evident when examining local evidence. Studies indicate that dysfunctional relationship beliefs and deficits in self-regulation—which are primary targets of this approach—are significant predictors of marital conflicts in Iranian couples (Khazaei, Pouladi Rishahri, & Eynipour, 2025). However, research warns that implementing standard protocols without attention to Iran's specific cultural components can lead to serious challenges (Kaveh Farsani, Safi, & Bahmani, 2019). Numerous research studies support the efficacy of CBCT (Friedberg, 2006). Nevertheless, the phenomenon of treatment failure in this domain remains significant. Statistics indicate that a considerable percentage of couples do not achieve optimal improvement during therapy (Roesler, 2020). Furthermore, reports suggest that couple therapy clients report lower satisfaction levels compared to other forms of psychotherapy (Dattilio, 2010). The concept of treatment failure is complex and multidimensional. Failure can include premature termination, lack of meaningful change, minimal or slow changes, and sometimes negative effects (Lampropoulos, 2011). The consequences of treatment failure can be severe; couples may experience intense emotional distress when therapy fails to meet their needs, leading to hopelessness and disengagement from the therapeutic process (Verhofstadt, Lemmens, & Vanhee, 2021). Recent studies clearly demonstrate that one significant cause of treatment failure is therapists' insufficient assessment and understanding of clients' issues. For example, in a recent study, 86.6% of patients identified this factor as contributing to treatment failure. Therapists' inability to adapt to patients' needs and lack of specialized knowledge were highlighted by 71.7% and 70.1% of patients, respectively, as major factors in treatment failure (Alfonsson, Fagernäs, Beckman, & Lundgren, 2024). Other contributing factors include unmet expectations and relational needs that, when unaddressed, lead to dissatisfaction (Stokstad & Parussa, 2023). This dissatisfaction and hopelessness during treatment often lead to deeper anger and frustration, pushing the relationship toward rupture. In these conditions, couples' unconscious defensive responses prevent effective communication and feelings of love, severely impacting therapeutic progress (Hao, 2022). In Iran, premature termination is one of the most common problems in psychotherapy. Domestic research indicates that factors such as dissatisfaction with the quality of psychological services and the cultural mismatch of psychotherapy structures are among the most important reasons for treatment dropout (Khazaei, Rezaei, & Shahidi Pour, 2015). The present study, adopting a qualitative approach and using thematic analysis, seeks to explore the lived experiences of married Iranians regarding failure in CBCT. This study attempts to answer the fundamental question: "What is the lived experience of failure in CBCT for Iranian couples, and to what factors do they attribute this failure?" The findings of this study can provide a rich, context-based understanding for therapists, clinical supervisors, and family policy-makers, facilitating the localization of this approach and enhancing its effectiveness in Iran. Research Methodology This qualitative study was conducted using thematic analysis to explore the lived experiences of married Iranians regarding failure in CBCT (Braun & Clarke, 2016). The research field included couples who had attended psychological centers in Tehran during 2023-2024, completed at least 15 sessions of CBCT, and evaluated it as unsuccessful. A purposive sample of 9 participants (3 men, 6 women) was recruited from three independent clinics. Inclusion criteria included permanent marriage, active participation of both spouses, maximum 6 months since the last session, minimum 2 years of marriage, and age 25-50 years. Exclusion criteria included attributing treatment outcomes to external factors, infidelity, personality disorders, addiction, severe violence, or psychotic disorders. Data saturation was achieved after interviews with seven participants, with two additional confirmatory interviews ensuring saturation. Data were collected through semi-structured interviews conducted online, averaging 60 minutes, covering demographic information, overall treatment evaluation, therapeutic relationship quality, treatment process, homework quantity and quality, and suggestions for improvement. The interview guide was developed based on literature review and expert consultation, piloted with two participants, and refined accordingly. Data analysis followed Braun and Clarke's (2016) six-step thematic analysis framework. To ensure trustworthiness, member checking, peer review, and rich description were employed. Inter-coder agreement (85%) was established through independent coding of 20% of the data. Ethical approval (IR.ACECR.REC.1402.008) was obtained, and confidentiality, voluntary participation, withdrawal rights, and use of pseudonyms were maintained. Discussion Therapist-Related Factors: The Professional Dimension of Failure Therapist's Inability to Manage Sessions: Analysis of couples' experiences revealed that therapists' professional inadequacy manifested through lack of authority, diagnostic weakness, and low self-awareness. This finding, consistent with Gurman (2008) and Antaki and Jahoda (2010) regarding the importance of session structure and leadership, reveals a culturally specific dimension in Iran. In a hierarchical culture where clients perceive therapists as authoritative figures, this weakness directly leads to negative cultural attributions such as "this therapist lacks the necessary competence." As one participant stated: "I said the doctor shouldn't say such things, but he said with authority, 'I must say this.' He didn't accept that he was wrong." This suggests that in this context, loss of authority is not merely a technical flaw but a "cultural taboo" that accelerates and renders therapeutic failure inevitable. Lack of Therapist Self-Awareness: The analysis showed that therapists' unresolved personal anxieties—manifested through expression of personal beliefs and transference of negative emotions—significantly compromised treatment. This finding aligns with Clements (2021) on the impact of personal characteristics on treatment outcomes and Prasko et al. (2023) on self-awareness enhancing therapist effectiveness. From the Cognitive-Appraisal Model perspective (Borkovec et al., 2002), therapists engaged in unresolved personal issues may be unconsciously evaluated as "untrustworthy" by clients, weakening the therapeutic alliance. One participant captured this: "The doctor had a very judgmental view of my husband... In a tone that showed anxiety and anger, he said 'you people are heartless' to my husband." This cultural sensitivity is particularly significant in Iran, where perceived judgment can be devastating to therapeutic relationships. Ethical Violations: Analysis revealed that ethical violations—particularly forming alliances with one spouse, lack of confidentiality, and imposing personal preferences—constituted major factors in treatment failure. This aligns with research by Stiefel, Bourquin, and Saraga (2023) and Totton (2017). However, in Iran's cultural context, this issue becomes critical due to the conflict between the cultural taboo of divorce and client autonomy. As one participant explained: "The doctor clearly told me, 'Don't you dare separate... it's hard to find a good husband; you might not find anyone... if you separate, you might regret it later.'" Such interventions compromise client autonomy and create a cognitive-behavioral cycle of negative attributions, mistrust, and resistance, ultimately constituting an "unrepairable therapeutic catastrophe." Lack of Adherence to CBCT Structure:** Participants consistently reported that therapists failed to maintain session structure, lacking clear objectives and appropriate intervention points. This finding fully aligns with Dattilio and Epstein (2016) and Kysely et al. (2020) on the importance of structured therapy. Epstein and Baucom's (2002) model suggests this failure stems from inadequate systematic assessment, poor case conceptualization, and unclear goal-setting, preventing the identification and disruption of dysfunctional cognitive-behavioral cycles. As one participant noted: "The therapist told me to think about what I want and what my husband wants; there was no specific structure." Insufficient Competence for Couple Therapy:** Participants reported therapists' inability to identify appropriate interventions based on CBCT protocols, including failure to identify maladaptive beliefs and relational schemas, incorrect sequencing of interventions, and substituting specialized techniques with superficial solutions. One husband explained: "The doctor didn't address what made my wife cry; she had to recognize that issue herself. I think this was a serious problem." Excessive Use of CBCT Techniques:** Analysis revealed that disproportionate, illogical homework assignments without clear rationale and without consideration of client capacity led to reduced implementation quality, mental fatigue, and decreased participation. This finding resonates with Castonguay et al. (2012) regarding potential negative effects of technique-driven therapy. From Beck's cognitive model (1988), when homework lacks cultural and personal relevance, failure reinforces beliefs such as "I can't change" or "this therapy doesn't work," reducing motivation and engagement. As one participant stated: "He gave too much homework, but it wasn't very useful; we didn't have time to do it all." Therapy Without Progress Monitoring:** The absence of systematic assessment of cognitive and behavioral changes throughout treatment, without providing feedback on goal achievement, significantly reduced motivation and led to directionless sessions. This finding aligns with D'Aniello, Anderson, and Tambling (2021) on negative consequences of lacking progress monitoring. From a CBCT perspective, this reflects a systemic monitoring deficit (Halford, Pepping, & Petch, 2015). One participant illustrated: "The therapist suggested intimacy exercises, but when we fought during them and reported it, no guidance was provided on how to do it without fighting." This missed opportunity for corrective feedback perpetuates dysfunctional patterns. Couple-Related Factors: The Client Dimension of Failure Disrupted Couple Boundaries:** Participants reported blurred boundaries in emotional and behavioral domains, with each spouse inappropriately involved in the other's psychological space. This reduced autonomy, increased relational tension, and impeded therapeutic intervention. Mandated Therapy Seeking:** When one partner attended therapy under coercion or external pressure rather than genuine intrinsic motivation, this created passive participation and resistance, blocking genuine engagement. As one participant stated: "My husband agreed to see the counselor so we would accept that his daughter has no problems and his behavior is normal." Responsibility Avoidance:** Participants described patterns of blaming the partner, victimhood, and deflecting responsibility to external factors, reflecting coping strategies prevalent in collectivist cultures (Eghbal, Shariatmadar, & Khodadadi Sangdeh, 2022; Rezaei et al., 2021). Such avoidance prevents the acquisition of communication skills and disrupts the therapeutic process. Negative Emotional Experiences:** Intense negative emotions experienced during couples' sessions caused participants to distance themselves from treatment and avoid confronting relational issues. These patterns align with Smoliak et al. (2021) regarding denial of responsibility and its negative consequences. In the Iranian cultural context, avoidance, withdrawal, and fate acceptance, combined with stigma avoidance and face-saving concerns, exacerbate treatment seeking delay and responsibility avoidance. Consequences of Treatment Failure The consequences of CBCT failure were profoundly distressing for participants, categorized into three themes: unmet treatment expectations, disappointing emotional consequences, and partner non-cooperation in continuing treatment. As one participant expressed: "Sometimes I get upset with my counselor; why didn't he tell me my husband won't change? If I'd known, I'd have made a more decisive decision and my life wouldn't have gotten to this point." This finding aligns with Knox et al. (2022) and Tambling and Johnson (2010) regarding the pivotal role of expectations in treatment continuation. From the Cognitive Appraisal Model perspective (Borkovec et al., 2002), when initial expectations go unmet, negative evaluations of the entire treatment process are activated, generating disappointment and anger, fueling dysfunctional attributions, and ultimately leading to withdrawal behaviors that further reinforce the cycle. Participants reported intensified hopelessness, negative attributions (e.g., "the therapist is incompetent" or "this treatment method is useless"), and disengagement from treatment. Conclusion This qualitative study reveals that failure in CBCT in Iran is the product of a vicious, multi-factorial cycle emerging from the interaction of therapist deficiencies, inhibiting couple characteristics, and inappropriate protocol implementation. On one side of this cycle, unsuccessful therapists, through lack of professional authority, diagnostic weakness, and low self-awareness, undermine client trust—a problem intensified in Iran's hierarchical cultural context where clients expect strong professional leadership, compounded by tension between divorce taboos and client autonomy. On the other side, inhibiting couple characteristics—including responsibility avoidance, mandated therapy seeking, and resistance—combine with rigid protocol implementation (excessive homework lacking cultural appropriateness and inadequate progress monitoring) to disrupt therapeutic engagement and complete the cycle of hopelessness and withdrawal. By revealing this interconnected network, the study emphasizes the necessity of enhancing therapists' foundational and specialized competencies, screening for negative prognostic indicators, and intelligently localizing protocols to interrupt this cycle and reduce the material and emotional costs of treatment failure. The findings have significant implications for clinical training programs, clinical supervision, and policy-making. Addressing these challenges can reduce premature termination rates and improve treatment outcomes. Future research should employ larger, diverse samples from various cities, document treatment histories, and utilize complementary methods such as session observation and joint couple interviews. A multi-stage research program centered on "Localizing and Evaluating the Effectiveness of CBCT in Iran" is recommended, beginning with qualitative exploration of therapists' experiences, leading to protocol design, and culminating in empirical testing of training effects on treatment outcomes. پژوهش حاضر با هدف واکاوی تجارب متأهلین ایرانی از شکست فرایند زوج‌درمانی شناختی-رفتاری انجام شد. محور اصلی این کاوش، شناسایی عوامل بازدارنده‌ای بود که در بستر خاص فرهنگی-اجتماعی ایران، شکست این رویکرد درمانی را از نگاه مراجعان شکل می‌دهد. این پژوهش کیفی در سال‌های ۱۴۰۲-۱۴۰۳ با استفاده از روش تحلیل مضمون انجام گردید. نمونه‌گیری به روش هدفمند از میان مراجعان کلینیک‌های مستقل شهر تهران صورت پذیرفت و ۹ شرکت‌کننده انتخاب شدند. فرآیند نمونه‌گیری تا رسیدن به اشباع داده‌ها ادامه یافت و داده‌ها از طریق مصاحبه‌های نیمه‌ساختاریافته جمع‌آوری شد. تحلیل داده‌ها بر اساس روش نظام‌مند براون و کلارک (2016) انجام شد. این پژوهش نشان داد شکست زوج‌درمانی شناختی-رفتاری در ایران، پیامد یک چرخه معیوب است که در آن، ناتوانی درمانگر در مدیریت جلسه، نداشتن دانش تخصصی و خودآگاهی پایین، با ضعف در توانمندی‌های تخصصی زوج‌درمانی مانند نقض اصول اخلاقی، بی‌توجهی به ساختار درمان، افراط در تکالیف و پایش نکردن پیشرفت، درهم می‌آمیزد. این عوامل زمانی که با ویژگی‌های بازدارنده زوجین نظیر درمان‌جویی اجباری، مسئولیت‌گریزی و ازهم‌گسیختگی مرزهای زوجی همراه می‌شود، به پیامدهایی چون تشدید ناامیدی، اسنادهای منفی و قطع درمان می‌انجامد. این یافته‌ها بر ضرورت افزایش توانمندی‌های پایه و تخصصی درمانگران، غربال‌گری نشانگان منفی پیش‌آگهی و بومی‌سازی هوشمندانه پروتکل‌ها تأکید می‌کنند.

سازمان مطالعه و تدوین کتب دانشگاهی در علوم اسلامی و انسانی (سمت) روان‌شناسی فرهنگی 2588-7211 9 2 2026 02 20 Investigating the Validity and Reliability of the Marital Forgiveness Measurement Scale; Localization to Iranian-Islamic Culture بررسی روایی و پایایی مقیاس سنجش بخشش زناشویی؛ بومی سازی بر اساس فرهنگ ایرانی-اسلامی 248132 10.30487/jcp.2026.560910.1870 FA میلاد شماخته استادیار گروه معارف اسلامی، دانشگاه شهید چمران، اهواز، ایران 0009-0001-2752-9057 Journal Article 2025 11 19 Abstract Marital forgiveness is considered an important psychological process in managing conflicts and repairing emotional damage in marriage. The aim of this study was to develop and evaluate a native marital forgiveness scale based on the social and psychological model of McCullough et al. (1998). The study consisted of two stages: the first stage with 351 participants for exploratory factor analysis (EFA) and the second stage with 443 participants for confirmatory factor analysis (CFA), convergent and criterion-based validity, and reliability analysis. The scale development process included a literature review, a qualitative study with interviews of Iranian participants from different cultures, item generation, content-based validity, and scale administration. EFA analysis identified four main factors including “avoidance”, “tendency for revenge”, “conditional forgiveness”, and “unconditional forgiveness”, which explained a total of 61.79% of the variance. (CFA) confirmed the four-factor structure and the second-order model and showed that the scale has good fit, convergent validity, criterion-based validity, and high reliability (α=0.93). The results showed that marital forgiveness is associated with a decrease in avoidance and desire for revenge and an increase in positive relationship behaviors, and the presented scale is considered an appropriate tool for measuring the willingness to forgive one's spouse's transgressions in Iranian-Islamic culture. Introduction Marital forgiveness has emerged as a significant psychological process in managing conflicts and repairing emotional injuries in marriage. Couples inevitably face conflicts in their marital life, ranging from daily disagreements to severe destructive events such as infidelity. When couples cannot effectively address these conflicts, marital relationships—including important dimensions such as intimacy and satisfaction—become disrupted (Fincham et al., 2004; Gordon et al., 2009). Studies have shown that conflict resolution techniques and communication skills alone are less effective than expected when dealing with serious problems like infidelity (Gottman, 2011). Consequently, forgiveness has been proposed as an effective strategy for resolving marital problems (Gordon & Baucom, 2003). Forgiveness has been shown to positively correlate with marital satisfaction, commitment, and relationship stability (Fincham & Beach, 2002; Gordon et al., 2009; Novak et al., 2017). Various theoretical models have been proposed to explain how forgiveness occurs. Enright et al. (1996) presented a four-stage model involving awareness of emotional reactions, seeking strategies to manage negative feelings, cognitive reappraisal of the offense, and developing empathy toward the offender. Worthington et al. (2005) conceptualized forgiveness as having decision and emotional components and developed a five-stage REACH model (Recall, Empathy, Altruism, Commitment, Hold). In a different approach, McCullough et al. (1998) proposed a socio-psychological model emphasizing motivational systems, suggesting that hurtful events can create fear and anxiety, leading to avoidance of the partner and potentially anger and vengefulness. Forgiveness likelihood decreases when avoidance and vengefulness are present, while factors such as empathy, perspective-taking, and compassion reduce avoidance and vengeful behaviors and increase positive behavior toward the offender (McCullough, 2000). Research has also shown that individuals are more willing to forgive their partners to maintain the relationship, but this willingness depends on relationship satisfaction, marital commitment, and intimacy with the offender (Paleario et al., 2005; Novak et al., 2017; Donovan & Priester, 2020). Cross-cultural studies have revealed that coping with hurtful events and decisions to forgive differ across cultures (Hook et al., 2009; Sandage & Williamson, 2005). In individualistic cultures, forgiveness motivation often stems from a desire for inner peace and personal well-being, while in collectivistic cultures, forgiveness is more influenced by maintaining social harmony (Ho & Worthington, 2020; Joo et al., 2019). Iranian culture exhibits combined characteristics (Karremans et al., 2011; Kararmak, 2008), and studies have shown that Iranians consider factors such as offense severity, apology, and remorse in their forgiveness decisions, showing less tendency toward unconditional forgiveness (Bugay & Mullet, 2013). Although several Western marital forgiveness scales (such as TRIM and MOFS) have been translated into Persian and used in Iran, these instruments, without revision of cultural-indigenous components, define forgiveness in a reduced form based solely on avoidance, vengefulness, and benevolence components. They overlook factors such as family elders' intercession, the role of religious beliefs in forgiveness, and the distinction between conditional versus unconditional forgiveness—factors that emerged prominently in qualitative interviews with Iranian couples. Therefore, this study aimed to develop and validate a marital forgiveness scale tailored to Iranian-Islamic culture based on McCullough et al.'s (1998) socio-psychological model. Research Methodology This mixed-methods study was conducted in five phases: literature review, qualitative study, item development, content validation, and psychometric evaluation. In the qualitative phase, 13 married individuals were purposively selected and interviewed using semi-structured interviews. Data were analyzed using thematic analysis in MAXQDA 20, leading to the identification of four main themes: avoidance, vengefulness, conditional forgiveness, and unconditional forgiveness. The quantitative phase involved two study groups. The first study (for exploratory factor analysis) included 351 married individuals (227 women, 124 men) aged 21-70 years. The second study (for confirmatory factor analysis, convergent validity, criterion-related validity, and reliability) included 443 married individuals (341 women, 102 men) aged 21-66 years. Sampling used a combination of snowball and convenience methods through online platforms. Instruments included the researcher-developed Marital Forgiveness Scale, the Marital Offense-Specific Forgiveness Scale (MOFS), the Rumination Scale, and a demographic information form. Content validity was assessed by five experts using CVI and CVR indices. Data analysis employed SPSS 27 for exploratory factor analysis, reliability assessment, and correlation analyses, and AMOS 25 for confirmatory factor analysis. Exploratory factor analysis used principal axis factoring with direct oblimin rotation. Confirmatory factor analysis evaluated model fit using multiple indices including CFI, TLI, RMSEA, and SRMR. Convergent validity was assessed through correlations with MOFS, and criterion-related validity through correlations with rumination. Internal consistency was evaluated using Cronbach's alpha coefficients. Ethical considerations included informed consent, confidentiality, and voluntary participation. Discussion Factor Structure: A Four-Dimensional Model of Marital Forgiveness Exploratory factor analysis with principal axis factoring and direct oblimin rotation extracted four factors with eigenvalues exceeding 1.0, collectively explaining 61.81% of the total variance. Factor loadings ranged from 0.45 to 0.94. The four factors were labeled: Avoidance (11 items, loadings 0.45-0.91), Unconditional Forgiveness (8 items, loadings 0.54-0.88), Vengefulness (4 items, loadings 0.47-0.94), and Conditional Forgiveness (3 items, loadings 0.77-0.87). Confirmatory factor analysis supported the four-factor model with acceptable fit indices (χ²/df=2.95, CFI=0.93, TLI=0.92, SRMR=0.05, RMSEA=0.07). The second-order model also demonstrated adequate fit (χ²/df=3.53, CFI=0.91, TLI=0.90, SRMR=0.08, RMSEA=0.08). This four-dimensional structure aligns with McCullough et al.'s (1998) socio-psychological model while extending it through the addition of conditional forgiveness as a culturally specific dimension. Avoidance emerged as the strongest factor, explaining 37.43% of the variance. Items such as "I was cold toward my spouse" and "I distanced myself physically from my spouse" had the highest loadings. This finding aligns with previous research identifying avoidance as a primary response to marital offenses (Paleario et al., 2009; McCullough et al., 1998). However, in Iranian culture, avoidance appears not merely as an emotional response but as a deliberate behavioral strategy to express dissatisfaction and pressure the spouse toward compensation. This is consistent with qualitative studies in Turkey (Biyik Sar & Cihan, 2024) and India (Sandilya & Shahnawaz, 2014), showing that in collectivistic cultures, avoidance serves as an indirect communication tool for expressing dissatisfaction and regulating relationships. The strong correlation between avoidance and vengefulness (r=0.74) suggests that in Iranian culture, these two negative motivations are tightly intertwined and often co-occur. Vengefulness was operationalized through items such as "I wanted to punish my spouse for what he/she imposed on me" and "I wanted to see my spouse suffer," with loadings of 0.94 and 0.85, respectively. This construct's strength in Iranian culture aligns with research in other collectivistic cultures like Turkey (Erkan, 2015; Çelik et al., 2022) and China (He et al., 2018), showing that in cultures emphasizing social harmony and relational justice, vengefulness following marital offenses—especially infidelity—is particularly strong and measurable. The high correlation between vengefulness and avoidance distinguishes the Iranian cultural context from Western models that treat these as relatively independent (McCullough et al., 1998). This finding is consistent with Ho and Worthington (2020), who showed that in collectivistic cultures, negative forgiveness motivations often manifest simultaneously due to social normative pressures and fear of others' judgment. Conditional Forgiveness represents a significant innovation of this study compared to Western instruments. This dimension refers to forgiveness contingent upon the offending spouse's actions such as apology, remorse expression, efforts to compensate, and behavioral change. Items like "I forgave my spouse for trying to make amends" and "I forgave my spouse for admitting their mistake" loaded at 0.87 and 0.80, respectively. This dimension's presence in Iranian culture aligns perfectly with previous research in Iran and Turkey. Bugay and Mullet (2013) demonstrated in their comparative study that Iranians and Turks, compared to French individuals, are less accepting of unconditional forgiveness and place greater emphasis on factors like apology, compensation, and behavioral correction as preconditions for forgiveness. Biyik Sar and Cihan's (2024) qualitative study on Turkish couples also identified "compensation-based forgiveness" as a prevalent pattern. In Iranian culture, this finding aligns with the collectivistic nature of society and emphasis on relational justice and restoring balance in relationships. From an Islamic perspective, this concept relates closely to "acceptance of repentance" and "conditional forgiveness upon reform" as mentioned in Quranic verses, suggesting that forgiveness as a moral virtue does not necessarily mean overlooking justice but can accompany conditions for compensation and reform. The positive correlation between conditional forgiveness and rumination (r=-0.25) and negative correlations with avoidance and vengefulness indicate that individuals more inclined toward conditional forgiveness experience fewer negative motivations. Unconditional Forgiveness refers to forgiveness without expectation of apology or compensation. Items such as "I put everything behind me because he/she was my spouse" and "I preferred to accept what happened and move on" capture this dimension. Theoretically, this dimension is closely related to the concept of "pardon" in Islamic teachings—forgiveness without expectation of compensation—which is considered a higher moral virtue. This dimension positively correlated with education and religious beliefs, confirming that unconditional forgiveness in Iran functions more as a moral-religious value than a relational strategy. This finding aligns with research on forgiveness in collectivistic cultures (Ho & Worthington, 2020; Joo et al., 2019), indicating that unconditional forgiveness is often emphasized as a moral virtue rather than a relational strategy in these cultures. The negative correlations of unconditional forgiveness with avoidance (r=-0.48) and vengefulness (r=-0.44) indicate that individuals more inclined toward unconditional forgiveness experience fewer negative motivations. However, the positive correlation with conditional forgiveness (r=0.68) suggests that these two types of forgiveness are not mutually exclusive in Iranian culture, and individuals may employ both depending on situation, offense severity, and personal characteristics. Psychometric Properties and Cultural Considerations The scale demonstrated excellent psychometric properties. Cronbach's alpha coefficients for dimensions ranged from 0.86 to 0.93, and the total scale alpha was 0.93. Composite reliability values exceeded 0.85, and AVE values exceeded 0.50 for all dimensions, supporting convergent validity. Discriminant validity was established through Fornell-Larcker criterion, with the square root of AVE for each factor exceeding inter-factor correlations. Concurrent validity was supported through significant positive correlations with MOFS (r=0.42-0.58), and criterion-related validity through significant correlations with rumination (r=0.14-0.37), with avoidance and vengefulness showing stronger correlations than conditional and unconditional forgiveness. The four-dimensional structure represents an advancement over existing Western instruments. Unlike TRIM and MOFS, which conceptualize forgiveness solely through avoidance, vengefulness, and benevolence, this scale includes both conditional and unconditional forgiveness dimensions. The inclusion of conditional forgiveness is particularly significant for Iranian-Islamic culture, where forgiveness is often contingent upon apology, remorse, compensation, and behavioral change. This dimension captures the emphasis on relational justice and balance restoration that characterizes collectivistic cultures. Additionally, the modification of avoidance items to reflect culturally appropriate expressions of dissatisfaction (such as silence and emotional distancing) and the replacement of items with cultural taboos with more common marital transgressions (such as disrespect toward spouse's family or role-related neglect) contribute to the scale's ecological validity. The coexistence of positive and negative motivations in the forgiveness process represents another important finding. Correlations between avoidance and vengefulness with conditional and unconditional forgiveness were negative and significant (ranging from -0.40 to -0.60), but these correlations were not perfect (covariance less than 0.50). This finding confirms that forgiveness and negative motivations can coexist within the same individual, and forgiveness is not a dichotomous state but a continuum (McCullough et al., 1998; Paleario et al., 2009). In Iranian culture, this coexistence of forgiveness and resentment may persist longer than in individualistic cultures because collectivistic norms encourage maintaining relationship appearances even when resentment persists. Clinical and Research Implications The developed scale has several clinical applications. In initial assessments of couples seeking counseling, therapists can identify which of the four motivations—avoidance, vengefulness, conditional forgiveness, or unconditional forgiveness—predominates in each partner. Based on scale scores, therapists can select intervention strategies accordingly. For couples with high scores on avoidance and vengefulness, interventions should first focus on reducing these negative motivations, while for couples with high scores on conditional forgiveness, interventions can focus on strengthening effective apology and compensation. In forgiveness-based couple therapies (Baskin & Enright, 2004) or emotion-focused therapy (Woldarsky & Greenberg, 2014), the scale can serve as a pre-test and post-test measure to assess motivational changes. From a research perspective, this scale enables cross-cultural studies comparing Iran with other countries, particularly regarding differences in conditional versus unconditional forgiveness. Researchers can use this instrument to investigate relationships between forgiveness and variables such as marital satisfaction (Çelik et al., 2022), emotional divorce, attachment (Karadogan & Tagay, 2022), and mental health (Gotzepe & Kislak, 2019) in Iranian populations and test structural equation models examining causal relationships among these variables. Conclusion This study successfully developed and validated a culturally adapted Marital Forgiveness Scale for Iranian-Islamic culture based on McCullough et al.'s (1998) socio-psychological model. The four-factor structure—Avoidance, Vengefulness, Conditional Forgiveness, and Unconditional Forgiveness—demonstrated strong psychometric properties including excellent internal consistency, convergent validity, discriminant validity, and criterion-related validity. The inclusion of conditional forgiveness represents a significant innovation, capturing cultural emphasis on apology, remorse, compensation, and behavioral change as preconditions for forgiveness in Iranian society. The findings demonstrate that while McCullough's motivational model provides a useful framework, cultural adaptation requires modifications to reflect collectivistic cultural values, religious teachings, and indigenous relational patterns. The coexistence of positive and negative motivations in the forgiveness process suggests that forgiveness should be conceptualized as a continuum rather than a dichotomous state in Iranian culture. The scale has practical applications in couple therapy, pre-marital counseling, and research on marital relationships. Limitations include convenience sampling, focus on Tehran residents, reliance on self-report measures, lack of test-retest reliability data, and potential social desirability bias. Future research should conduct test-retest reliability studies, establish norms across different provinces and ethnic groups, examine relationships with clinical variables using structural equation modeling, and develop and evaluate forgiveness-based intervention programs. Cross-cultural comparisons using this scale can contribute to understanding cultural similarities and differences in marital forgiveness processes. بخشش زناشویی به‌عنوان یک فرآیند روان‌شناختی مهم در مدیریت تعارضات و ترمیم آسیب‌های هیجانی در ازدواج مطرح است. هدف این پژوهش توسعه و ارزیابی یک مقیاس بخشش زناشویی بومی مبتنی بر مدل اجتماعی و روان‌شناختی مک‌کالو و همکاران (۱۹۹۸) بود. مطالعه شامل دو مرحله بود: مرحله اول با ۳۵۱ شرکت‌کننده برای تحلیل عامل اکتشافی (EFA) و مرحله دوم با ۴۴۳ شرکت‌کننده برای تحلیل عامل تأییدی (CFA)، اعتبار همگرا و مبتنی بر معیار، و بررسی قابلیت اطمینان. فرآیند توسعه مقیاس شامل مرور ادبیات، مطالعه کیفی با مصاحبه شرکت‌کنندگان ایرانی با فرهنگ های متفاوت، تولید آیتم‌ها، اعتبار مبتنی بر محتوا و اجرای مقیاس بود. تحلیل EFA چهار عامل اصلی شامل «اجتناب»، «تمایل به انتقام»، «بخشش مشروط» و «بخشش بی‌قید و شرط» را شناسایی کرد که در مجموع ۶۱.۷۹٪ از واریانس را تبیین کردند. (CFA) ساختار چهارعاملی و مدل مرتبه دوم را تأیید کرد و نشان داد که مقیاس دارای برازش مناسب، اعتبار همگرا، اعتبار مبتنی بر معیار و قابلیت اطمینان بالا (α=0.93) است. نتایج نشان داد که بخشش زناشویی با کاهش اجتناب و تمایل به انتقام و افزایش رفتارهای مثبت رابطه‌ای همراه است و مقیاس ارائه‌شده ابزار مناسبی برای سنجش تمایل به بخشش تخلفات همسر در فرهنگ ایرانی-اسلامی محسوب می‌شود.

سازمان مطالعه و تدوین کتب دانشگاهی در علوم اسلامی و انسانی (سمت) روان‌شناسی فرهنگی 2588-7211 9 2 2026 02 20 Trauma, Masculinity, and the Instability of Perception in a Cultural Context: A Psychological Analysis of Sadeq Hedayat's 'Three Drops of Blood'." تروما، مردانگی و ناپایداری ادراک در بستر فرهنگی: تحلیل روان‌شناختی «سه قطره خون» از صادق هدایت " 248134 10.30487/jcp.2026.582352.1903 FA زهرا حق شناس گروه زبان و ادبیات انگلیسی، دانشکده علوم، دانشگاه گناباد زینب قائم پناه دانشکده روانشناسی. دانشگاه جورج تاون. واشنگتن دی سی. امریکا 0000-0002-8291-0811 Journal Article 2026 05 19 Abstract This study, focusing on Sadegh Hedayat’s “Three Drops of Blood,” examines the representation of traumatic experience and the psychological mechanisms that organize it at the level of narrative structure. The central research question is how traumatic experience is configured through patterns of repetition, temporal disruption, perceptual instability, and interpersonal relations within the text. The study is qualitative in nature and is based on interpretive textual analysis, with its theoretical framework grounded in Cathy Caruth’s perspective. The dataset consists of the full text of the story, and the analysis is conducted at an intratextual level. The findings reveal three main themes: the logic of repetition at the level of narrative signs and actions; perceptual instability manifested in the ambiguity between reality and imagination, discontinuity of memory, and fluidity of identity; and recurring patterns in emotional and interpersonal relationships. These themes interact to form a narrative structure in which experience is not organized as a linear sequence of events, but rather through recurrent returns, temporal ruptures, and the reproduction of perceptual and relational patterns. So trauma is not merely represented as the content of a psychological experience, but operates at the level of narrative structure itself, shaping the organization of time, memory, perception, and relationships. From this perspective, the story presents an experience in which memory fragmentation, perceptual instability, and the repetition of affective patterns undermine experiential coherence. This study highlights the capacity of psychological approaches to illuminate modern Persian narratives and to clarify the relationship between narrative structure and traumatic experience. Introduction Betrayal in intimate relationships represents one of the most severe forms of interpersonal trust violation, with consequences extending far beyond short-term emotional reactions and potentially leading to fundamental reorganization in cognitive, emotional, and identity structures (Pittman, 2025). In contemporary relationship psychology literature, betrayal is not merely conceptualized as an isolated behavior but as a form of "rupture in the shared meaning system of the relationship" and the collapse of the couple's joint narrative of past, present, and future (Squires, 2014; Fishbane, 2013). This rupture can generate traumatic conditions that disrupt the coherence of lived experience. From the perspective of cultural psychology, betrayal cannot be analyzed solely at the individual level, as its meaning and intensity are shaped within cultural systems and social norms. Each culture provides cognitive frameworks through which concepts such as loyalty, honor, and gender identity operate, thereby influencing how betrayal is experienced (Fincham & May, 2017; Khazaie et al., 2023). Within this framework, betrayal is not merely an event but a form of "disruption in the cultural order of meaning" that can lead to identity crisis and the collapse of an individual's meaning-making system (Sinaga & Damanik, 2025). In contemporary trauma studies, trauma is understood not simply as a damaging experience but as a disruption in the processing and integration of experience across time and memory, manifesting through sudden returns, narrative ruptures, and perceptual instability (Caruth, 1996; Uzer et al., 2023). From a cultural psychological perspective, the manner in which trauma is experienced and expressed is strongly influenced by cultural meaning structures and patterns of social narrative construction. Narrative, from this viewpoint, is not merely a reflection of experience but one of the primary mechanisms for organizing human experience (McAdams, 2021; Hammack, 2008). In modern Persian literature, Sadeq Hedayat's works—due to their non-linear narrative structures, perceptual multiplicity, and focus on unstable subjectivities—offer rich possibilities for analysis within the frameworks of cultural psychology and trauma studies (Baraheni, 1992). However, existing research on Hedayat's works has predominantly focused on aesthetic or ideological aspects, with less attention to the underlying psychological-cultural mechanisms, particularly regarding the representation of emotional relationships and betrayal. This gap has resulted in conflicting interpretations, with some studies emphasizing cynical or clichéd dimensions while others situate these representations within narrative modernism, narrator positionality, and historical-cultural context (Milani, 1992). "Three Drops of Blood" represents a distinctive example in which human experience is represented through a fragmented, repetitive, and perceptually unstable structure. In this text, narrative is organized not through linear sequences of events but through recurrent returns, repetitive signs, and disruptions in the boundaries of perception, memory, and identity (Hedayat, 1954; Mohaghegh, 2003). These characteristics enable analysis within trauma and cultural psychology frameworks. In this study, trauma—drawing on Caruth's perspective—is understood as a disruption in the temporal integration of experience, manifesting through narrative returns, delayed comprehension, and perceptual discontinuity (Caruth, 1996; Herman, 1997; Pederson, 2018). However, this concept is not applied clinically or individually but as a cultural-cognitive mechanism for understanding how experience is organized in literary texts. The central research question is how betrayal—in conjunction with cultural meaning structures and cognitive mechanisms—is represented through specific narrative organization in "Three Drops of Blood." This study aims to demonstrate how the convergence of interpersonal trust collapse and cultural-cognitive ruptures leads to the formation of patterns of repetition, perceptual ambiguity, and narrative discontinuity in the text. Research Methodology This qualitative study employs deductive thematic analysis with an interpretive approach (Braun & Clarke, 2006). The selection of this method was based on the premise that the research question concerns not the measurement of psychological variables at an empirical level but the analysis of how experience is organized in literary texts and the identification of meaning patterns related to trauma, cognitive rupture, and cultural representation of betrayal. The analytical strategy is deductive, meaning the process of data extraction and organization was guided by a pre-established theoretical framework. The primary conceptual framework draws on Cathy Caruth's trauma studies approach, emphasizing concepts such as delayed experience, sudden return, temporal rupture, and perceptual discontinuity. Additionally, concepts from cultural psychology, cognitive rupture, and defensive mechanisms were employed as secondary interpretative frameworks. However, these concepts were used not as clinical diagnostic tools but as conceptual lenses for understanding narrative structure and the organization of experience in the text. The dataset comprises the complete text of Hedayat's "Three Drops of Blood," analyzed as a coherent and independent unit. The analysis followed four stages: first, multiple comprehensive readings to achieve deep familiarity with narrative structure and identify recurring patterns; second, initial coding of text segments related to theoretical concepts such as repetition, temporal rupture, reality/imagination ambiguity, memory discontinuity, relational similarity, identity instability, and signs of trust collapse; third, organizing initial codes into thematic categories based on conceptual relationships, resulting in three main themes—"the logic of repetition," "perceptual instability," and "recurring relational patterns"; and fourth, examining relationships among themes at the macro-narrative level to explain the logic of non-linear coherence and experience reproduction. To enhance credibility, the analysis was iterative between textual data, codes, and theoretical framework, with all conclusions revisited through repeated reference to textual evidence. The analytical decision-making process was documented to ensure interpretive transparency. Direct quotations with page references are provided for each theme to enable reader evaluation. However, the epistemological limitations of interpretive research are acknowledged, and alternative readings from psychoanalytic, semiotic, or narratological perspectives remain possible. The study's focus on a single text through intratextual analysis limits generalization beyond this specific work. Discussion The Logic of Repetition: Narrative Signs and Actions Analysis revealed that repetition in "Three Drops of Blood" functions not as a stylistic ornament but as the primary organizing mechanism of the narrative. The repeated return of signs such as "three drops of blood," "pine tree," "blue room," and "cat" creates a cyclical structure in which the narrative remains in a state of continuous return rather than linear progression. The pine tree, for instance, appears in the opening scene alongside a series of associated images: the tree, the empty cage, the cat, and the act of killing. In deductive coding, this juxtaposition was classified under "cluster of threat and violence signs." The analytical significance lies in that blood is no longer an isolated image but becomes a focal point for signs of death, damage, and threat, while the narrative still refrains from providing a clear causal chain. When the three drops of blood reappear in the scene involving Siavash, the return appears tied to external observation, yet the narrative still does not establish its origin, cause, or consequence. Thus, the three drops of blood neither lead to narrative resolution nor reduce ambiguity but return the reader to the same initial state. In deductive analysis, this pattern was classified under "return without narrative resolution"—a pattern conceptually overlapping with the logic of return in incomplete, traumatic experiences as described by Caruth (1996). Repetition also operates at the level of space and personality. The similarity between Siavash's room and the narrator's room demonstrates how spaces lose their independent identity and function as reflections of one another, weakening the boundaries between characters' experiences. The room is described as "blue, with a wall as high as the waist painted blue," a description nearly identical to that of the narrator's room (Hedayat, 1954: 16). Similarly, characters such as Siavash, Abbas, and to some extent the narrator share characteristics including poetry, music, introversion, and emotional sensitivity. This pattern of overlapping identities undermines the distinctiveness of individual characters, creating a narrative quality in which positions and relationships are reproduced through similar patterns. From the perspective of traumatic memory research, such repetition without resolution indicates an experience that has not been integrated into a coherent temporal sequence. Perceptual Instability: Reality, Memory, and Identity Perceptual instability manifests through three interrelated sub-themes: ambiguity between reality and imagination, memory discontinuity, and identity fluidity. Regarding the ambiguity between reality and imagination, the narrative from the outset presents the surrounding world not through objective description but through an agitated and disturbed subjectivity. The narrator describes sounds in exaggerated, threatening terms beyond ordinary stimuli, without clarifying to what extent these sounds are objective or products of subjective experience. This suspension prevents the reader from drawing clear boundaries between "the real" and "the perceived." This perceptual pattern recurs in the representation of the sanatorium space, where the narrator attempts to establish clear boundaries between self and others while simultaneously acknowledging that the outside world has deeply penetrated his psychological experience. The second sub-theme concerns memory discontinuity and temporal rupture. Events, memories, and mental images appear as scattered fragments and sudden associations, with the narrative avoiding a clear, reconstructible timeline. Shifts between present, past memories, and narrative of prior events occur without clear temporal markers. The narrator moves between describing his current situation and recalling events related to Siavash, his fiancée, or garden scenes, then returns to the present without establishing clear temporal boundaries. Certain images and signs—pine tree, blue room, cat, three drops of blood—repeatedly return in different narrative positions. Despite their repetition, the narrative does not establish clear temporal or causal relationships among their various appearances. Memories related to Siavash, Abbas, and other characters are often narrated as disconnected fragments, with temporal connections remaining unclear. Thus, memory functions more through association and sign recurrence than linear reconstruction. The third sub-theme concerns identity fluidity and the blurring of individual boundaries. Characteristics, roles, and behavioral patterns are distributed across multiple characters, such that in certain narrative sections, identity distinctions become ambiguous. Features like poetry, music, introversion, and emotional sensitivity recur among characters including the narrator, Siavash, and Abbas. These similarities weaken individual boundaries and create a degree of overlap in identity representation. Some spaces and narrative positions are similarly attributed to different characters. The resemblance between descriptions of the narrator's room and Siavash's room, or similarities in characters' emotional positions, creates overlap in identity representation. Consequently, characters sometimes appear not as wholly independent units but in reflective relation to one another. In sections where the narrator speaks about Siavash or Abbas, behavioral and emotional similarities are emphasized over differences. The analysis indicates that identity boundaries lack complete stability, with certain features circulating among different characters, presenting identity as fluid rather than fixed. Recurring Patterns in Emotional and Interpersonal Relationships Analysis of relational patterns revealed three sub-themes: ambivalent representation of emotional relationships, repetition of competition and displacement patterns, and relationships based on distance and misunderstanding. Regarding ambivalence, relationships are characterized by simultaneous attraction and repulsion, interest and rejection. The narrator describes Taqi, who believes women cause misfortune and should be killed, yet is in love with Sogra Soltan—an elderly woman who applies plaster to her face and considers herself a fourteen-year-old girl (Hedayat, 1954: 12-13). This juxtaposition creates a relational pattern where emotional interest coexists with repulsion or hostility, representing relationships not through stability and closeness but within a context of tension and incongruity. The second sub-theme involves situations where expectations or perceptions of relationship are formed but then redirected toward another person. In one scene, the narrator describes a girl who seemed to like him: "That girl smiled at me, it was clear she loved me, she had come for me..." (Hedayat, 1954: 14). Immediately, the narrative shifts: "I saw Abbas pull the young girl aside and kiss her" (Hedayat, 1954: 14). A similar structure appears in the relationship involving the narrator, his fiancée, and Siavash. In both situations, the presence of a third figure redirects the relationship and disrupts initial expectations. The third sub-theme concerns how relationships form among characters. Despite characters being together, proximity does not lead to stable connection or mutual understanding. The narrator repeatedly emphasizes his distance from others, describing the surrounding world from a detached position. In emotional and friendly relationships, characters' perceptions of one another are often accompanied by ambiguity, misunderstanding, or uncertainty. The analysis indicates that the text presents ambivalent relational representation, recurrence of competitive situations with displacement, and predominant distance and misunderstanding. This results in emotional experiences being reproduced through similar patterns rather than evolving toward differentiation. In cultural psychology terms, this pattern can be understood through concepts of honor, shame, and gender roles, where male identity is often organized around control, possession, and the avoidance of emotional vulnerability. Conclusion This analysis of "Three Drops of Blood" reveals that the narrative organization operates through three interconnected mechanisms: systematic repetition of narrative elements, perceptual instability across multiple experiential levels, and the formation of recurring patterns in interpersonal relationships. Crucially, these mechanisms do not function separately but form an intertwined network where each level reinforces and reproduces the others. The study demonstrates that repetition functions as the primary mechanism of narrative coherence—not decorative or stylistic, but the central organizing principle. The continued return of signs, spaces, and personal patterns without resolution creates a cyclical structure that prevents linear progression and keeps experience in a state of suspension. This pattern aligns with trauma research showing that unprocessed experiences often appear through involuntary repetitions and fragmented returns. Perceptually, the text continuously undermines boundaries between reality, imagination, and memory, with narrated experience remaining perpetually in suspension such that definitive distinction between what occurred and what was perceived becomes impossible. This condition aligns with research identifying temporal and perceptual coherence disruption as characteristic of traumatic experiences. Memory functions not as a linear reconstruction but as scattered fragments activated at different moments, weakening temporal coherence. This instability extends to identity, where behavioral patterns and emotional elements circulate among characters, blurring individual boundaries. In relational terms, interactions organize around limited but recurring patterns: emotional ambivalence, desire displacement, perceived competition, and repeated experiences of failure. Rather than evolving toward differentiation, relationships are reproduced in similar structures. The significance of these findings lies in demonstrating that the text is not merely a representation of psychological disturbance but an example of a specific organizing logic in which human experience is constructed and reconstructed through cycles of repetition and discontinuity. This conclusion enables rethinking the relationship among narrative, memory, and the organization of experience in modern literature, demonstrating that trauma in this text operates at the level of "how something is narrated" rather than solely "what is narrated." The boundaries among experience, memory, and narrative become highly fluid, with experience simultaneously being shaped in the process of narration. This observation aligns with approaches that understand narrative not as representation but as the mechanism through which experience is formed at the level of consciousness. However, the study's findings are limited to analysis of a single text and should not be generalized to all literary or narrative works. The use of a specific theoretical framework does not preclude alternative readings but offers one possible pathway for analyzing this narrative structure. پژوهش حاضر با تمرکز بر داستان «سه قطره خون» صادق هدایت، به بررسی بازنمایی تجربه تروماتیک و سازوکارهای روان‌شناختی سازمان‌دهنده آن در سطح روایت می‌پردازد. مسئله اصلی پژوهش نشان می دهدکه تجربه تروماتیک چگونه از طریق الگوهای تکرار، گسست زمانی، بی‌ثباتی ادراکی و روابط بین‌فردی در متن صورت‌بندی می‌شود. پژوهش از نوع کیفی و مبتنی بر تحلیل متنی با رویکرد تفسیری است و چارچوب نظری آن بر دیدگاه کتی کاروث استوار است. داده‌های پژوهش شامل متن داستان بوده و تحلیل در سطح درون‌متنی انجام شده است. یافته‌ها سه مضمون اصلی را آشکار ساخت: منطق تکرار در سطح نشانه‌ها و کنش‌های روایی، بی‌ثباتی ادراکی در قالب ابهام میان واقعیت و خیال، ناپیوستگی حافظه و سیالیت هویت، و نیز الگوهای همسان در روابط عاطفی و بین‌فردی. این مضامین در تعامل با یکدیگر ساختاری روایی ایجاد می‌کنند که در آن تجربه نه در قالب توالی خطی رویدادها، بلکه از طریق بازگشت‌های مکرر، گسست‌های زمانی و بازتولید الگوهای ادراکی و رابطه‌ای سازمان می‌یابد. نتایج نشان می‌دهد که تروما در «سه قطره خون» صرفاً به‌عنوان محتوای یک تجربه روانی بازنمایی نمی‌شود، بلکه در سطح ساختار روایت عمل می‌کند و بر نحوه سازمان‌یافتگی زمان، حافظه، ادراک و روابط تأثیر می‌گذارد. داستان تصویری از تجربه‌ای ارائه می‌کند که در آن گسست حافظه، ناپایداری ادراک و بازتولید الگوهای عاطفی مانع انسجام تجربه می‌شوند. این مطالعه بر ظرفیت رویکردهای روان‌شناختی در فهم روایت‌های مدرن فارسی و تبیین پیوند میان ساختار روایت و تجربه تروماتیک تأکید می‌کند.

سازمان مطالعه و تدوین کتب دانشگاهی در علوم اسلامی و انسانی (سمت) روان‌شناسی فرهنگی 2588-7211 9 2 2026 02 20 Study of Cultural Strategies in Psychosocial Interventions for Non-Native Individuals in Tabriz مطالعه راهبردهای فرهنگی در مداخلات روانی اجتماعی برای افراد غیربومی در تبریز 248582 10.30487/jcp.2026.578038.1895 FA بهرام موحدزاده استادیار، گروه روانشناسی و علوم تربیتی، دانشگاه پیام نور، تهران، ایران. 0000-0001-9690-6613 علیرضا فرخی استادیار، گروه علوم اجتماعی، دانشگاه پیام نور، تهران، ایران. اکرم روحانی حاجی آقا مربی فرهنگی و تربیتی قرآن، دانشجوی کارشناسی ارشد، دانشگاه پیام نور مرکز یاسوج، یاسوج، ایران. Journal Article 2026 02 25 Abstract The present study aimed to explain the role of cultural factors in the effectiveness of psychosocial interventions for non-native migrants in Tabriz, a city that has faced emerging challenges in cultural adaptation, mental health, and social cohesion due to an increase in both internal and external migrant populations in recent years. The research population consisted of 15 participants from three main groups: Group P (specialists in psychology, counseling, art therapy, and mental health), Group S (cultural-social experts such as sociologists, anthropologists, university lecturers, and cultural activists), and Group K (field workers including social workers, trainers, urban planners, and NGO members). These individuals were selected due to their practical experience and deep insight into psychosocial interventions in multicultural contexts. Data were collected using semi-structured interviews and analyzed using Brown and Clarke's six-step thematic analysis method. The results showed that four main themes were common in the perceptions of specialists: "understanding and respecting the cultural-religious context," "communication challenges and strategies," "empowerment and community-based participation," and "systemic and professional requirements." Evidence suggests that barriers such as linguistic differences, cultural taboos, lack of cultural mediators, weak cultural competency training for specialists, and lack of institutional coordination reduce the effectiveness of interventions. Conversely, the use of local languages and symbols, the participation of local leaders, the utilization of non-verbal tools (art, storytelling, music), the activation of internal capacities within the migrant community, and the design of macro-cultural policies can improve migrants' trust, participation, and social adaptation. Introduction In recent decades, Iran has experienced significant demographic and social transformations that have altered settlement patterns and increased internal migration. These population movements, rooted in economic, social, political, and environmental factors, have led to the transformation of major cities. Tabriz, as one of Iran's metropolises, has received a considerable population of migrants from various provinces with diverse languages, customs, and beliefs (Karimi & Moudhen, 2019). The coexistence of these diverse groups in an unfamiliar environment presents numerous psychosocial challenges. Entering a new lifeworld requires adaptation to new spaces, languages, norms, and social relationships—a process that can be accompanied by feelings of homesickness, loneliness, rejection, and difficulties in effective communication (Berry, 2015). From a psychological perspective, these acculturative pressures can lead to anxiety, depression, low self-esteem, and impaired social functioning (Samovar et al., 2017). The role of mental health professionals and social services in facilitating adaptation and supporting the psychological well-being of these populations is essential. However, many psychosocial interventions are designed and implemented without adequate attention to cultural, linguistic, and identity differences. Neglecting cultural diversity creates a gap between service providers and non-native clients, where "cultural distance" becomes a barrier to effective helping (Sue et al., 2012). Most psychotherapy frameworks and common interventions are built on assumptions of the dominant culture, which may not align with the lived experiences and psychological realities of migrant individuals or those belonging to different subcultures. Fundamental differences in emotional expression, coping methods, family concepts, gender roles, and even the understanding of mental illness among Iranian ethnic groups require culturally sensitive approaches (Samovar et al., 2017). The lack of systematic and specialized training in cultural competence for psychologists, counselors, and social workers—despite the expansion of humanistic and intercultural approaches in contemporary psychology—remains a serious challenge in the mental health system. In many countries, specific protocols and guidelines for providing mental health services in multicultural or migrant-receiving communities have been developed. However, in Iran, particularly in cities like Tabriz with significant ethnic diversity, such culturally adapted frameworks are largely absent. This gap not only reduces intervention effectiveness but also creates a form of cultural inequality in access to mental health services, placing minority, migrant, or ethnically diverse groups at risk of "therapeutic marginalization" (Griner et al., 2021; Mousil et al., 2021). Given these gaps, the present study seeks to address the question: To what extent are cultural strategies incorporated in psychosocial interventions provided to non-native individuals in the metropolis of Tabriz? What strategies do professionals and activists in this field employ to bridge this cultural gap? Ultimately, how can these strategies be organized into a coordinated operational framework to promote psychological adaptation and equity in access to mental health services for the migrant community? Research Methodology This qualitative study employed a descriptive-exploratory thematic analysis approach to understand the lived experiences and perspectives of professionals regarding cultural strategies in psychosocial interventions for non-native individuals in Tabriz. The research population comprised psychologists, counselors, social workers, sociologists, and field activists with practical experience working with migrant and non-native populations in Tabriz. Purposive snowball sampling was used, beginning with several well-known experts and continuing until theoretical saturation was achieved. A total of 15 participants were recruited, categorized into three groups: Group A (psychologists, psychotherapists, family counselors—focusing on psychological aspects and therapeutic processes), Group B (sociologists, social workers, policy experts—focusing on macro policies and socio-cultural analysis), and Group C (NGO activists, educators, urban planners, facilitators—focusing on field implementation and social facilitation). Data were collected through in-depth semi-structured interviews lasting 45-90 minutes. The interview guide included open-ended questions based on the research literature and main study themes, such as "What is your perspective on cultural considerations in psychosocial interventions for non-native individuals?" "What cultural-communication challenges have you experienced in field work?" and "What strategies do you propose for adapting treatment processes?" All interviews were audio-recorded with participants' written consent and transcribed verbatim. Data analysis followed Braun and Clarke's (2006) six-step thematic analysis: familiarization with data, generating initial codes, searching for themes, reviewing themes, defining and naming themes, and producing the final report. Ethical considerations including informed consent, confidentiality, anonymity, the right to withdraw, and data security were strictly observed, with ethical approval obtained from the university ethics committee. Discussion Theme 1: Understanding and Respecting the Cultural-Religious Context This overarching theme emerged as the foundation of culturally responsive interventions, emphasizing that acknowledging cultural and religious differences is the starting point for establishing effective therapeutic relationships with non-native clients. The sub-themes included: the importance of recognizing cultural and religious differences, adapting interventions to values and beliefs, and broadening the therapist's perspective. Participants consistently emphasized that a "one-size-fits-all" approach cannot address the diverse needs of native and non-native individuals. As one participant (A-1) stated: "A psychotherapist should not treat someone from another culture with mental assumptions influenced by their own dominant culture; this can create challenges for both sides." Another participant (B-2) noted: "Many psychosocial interventions are designed and implemented without adequate attention to cultural, linguistic, and identity differences, turning cultural distance into a barrier to effectiveness." This theme highlights the necessity of moving beyond superficial cultural awareness to deep cultural understanding. Participants emphasized that therapists must recognize their own cultural biases and assumptions before they can effectively engage with clients from different backgrounds. The importance of understanding non-verbal communication, unwritten norms, and cultural nuances was repeatedly emphasized, as these subtle cultural elements often determine the success or failure of therapeutic engagement. The theme suggests that cultural competence is not merely a technical skill but a fundamental orientation that shapes the entire therapeutic process. Theme 2: Challenges and Inclusive Communication Strategies The second theme addressed the practical challenges encountered in cross-cultural therapeutic encounters and the strategies developed to overcome them. Sub-themes included: the role of interpreters or cultural mediators, use of non-verbal tools and artistic expression, and community engagement. A central finding was the critical role of the cultural mediator—a bridge between non-native individuals and intervention providers that facilitates the adaptation of therapeutic protocols to the cultural contexts of non-native clients. As one participant (C-7) explained: "The cultural mediator is not just a translator of words but a translator of meanings, values, and expectations." Another participant (C-9) added: "When the mediator is present, families become less defensive and more willing to engage." The use of non-verbal tools—including art therapy, music, storytelling, and body language—emerged as a particularly effective strategy for clients facing language barriers. Participants reported that artistic and expressive methods bypass linguistic limitations and tap into universal human experiences, making them especially valuable in multicultural settings. Community engagement through building trust with community leaders and leveraging existing social networks was also identified as crucial. This theme suggests that effective communication in cross-cultural psychosocial interventions requires a multi-modal approach that extends beyond verbal dialogue. Theme 3: Empowerment and Community-Based Participation This theme emphasized moving beyond a passive recipient model toward active community engagement in the intervention process. Sub-themes included: creating shared social-cultural spaces, utilizing NGO capacities, developing civil society organizations, and citizenship education. Participants stressed that interventions should not be imposed on communities but co-created with them. As one participant (C-15) stated: "Shared projects and intermediary social institutions like NGOs demonstrate that intervention strategies should be extended from the individual level to the institutional and social level." Another participant (B-4) noted: "Life skills training and awareness of citizenship rights can serve as key intervention axes for reducing psychological problems among migrants." Creating shared physical and social spaces—such as parks with cultural programs, culture houses, and sports events—was identified as a powerful mechanism for facilitating direct interaction between migrants and host communities. These spaces, when designed with cultural sensitivity and facilitated by trained social facilitators, provide opportunities for natural, unforced interaction that builds trust and mutual understanding. Citizenship education and life skills training emerged as empowerment strategies that help migrants navigate their new environment with greater confidence and competence. This theme reflects a paradigm shift from deficit-based approaches to strengths-based, participatory models of intervention. Theme 4: Systemic and Professional Requirements for Service Providers The fourth theme focused on the macro-level structures and policies necessary to support culturally responsive psychosocial interventions. Sub-themes included: addressing resource challenges, policymaking and coordination, systemic investment in training and infrastructure, and continuous research and evaluation. Participants emphasized that cultural challenges cannot be resolved through individual therapist efforts alone; they require systemic reform. As one participant (B-12) stated: "Cultural challenges in interventions are not resolved solely through individual therapist efforts; macro structures and policymakers also need reform and revision." Another participant (A-11) noted: "The lack of such guidelines forces professionals to rely on intuition, personal experience, or informal translation of Western models, which reduces effectiveness." Systemic requirements identified included: mandatory cultural competence training for all mental health professionals, revision of university curricula to include cross-cultural competencies, development of culturally adapted assessment tools (avoiding Western bias), establishment of coordination mechanisms among relevant institutions (municipality, welfare, universities), sustainable funding for culturally responsive programs, and continuous evaluation and adaptation of interventions. This theme underscores that sustainable change in the quality of psychosocial services for non-native populations depends on institutional commitment and policy reform, not just individual professional development. Synthesis and Model Development The integration of these four themes reveals a multi-level model for culturally responsive psychosocial interventions for non-native populations. At the individual clinical level, cultural competence and use of cultural mediators reduce the cultural distance between therapist and client. At the community level, shared spaces, empowerment programs, and NGO partnerships foster social cohesion and sustainable participation. At the systemic level, supportive policies, resource allocation, and institutional coordination create an enabling environment. These three levels are interconnected and mutually reinforcing. The findings also demonstrate that cultural adaptation of interventions operates through several interconnected mechanisms: (1) linguistic and symbolic adaptation that makes therapeutic communication meaningful; (2) socio-structural adaptation that addresses practical barriers to participation; (3) economic-empowerment adaptation that addresses material concerns affecting mental health; and (4) policy adaptation that creates sustainable institutional support. Each of these mechanisms contributes to the overall effectiveness of psychosocial interventions in promoting the psychological well-being and social integration of non-native populations. Conclusion This study examined cultural strategies in psychosocial interventions for non-native individuals in Tabriz. The findings revealed four overarching themes: understanding and respecting the cultural-religious context; challenges and inclusive communication strategies; empowerment and community-based participation; and systemic and professional requirements for service providers. The thematic analysis demonstrated that culturally responsive interventions require attention to multiple levels: individual clinical practice, community engagement, and systemic policy reform. The research confirmed that cultural adaptation of interventions significantly increases trust, participation, and effectiveness. Using local language and cultural symbols, incorporating cultural mediators, creating shared social spaces, providing intercultural education, and combining economic empowerment with social support were all identified as effective strategies. The presence of local community leaders was found to enhance program legitimacy, reduce resistance, and ensure sustainability. Economic-empowerment initiatives such as micro-loans, skills training, and local market integration were identified as crucial for sustaining participation by addressing material concerns that affect mental health. The study's contributions include: providing empirical evidence from the Iranian context on the effectiveness of culturally adapted psychosocial interventions; identifying specific strategies applicable in multi-ethnic urban settings; and developing an integrated model linking clinical, community, and systemic levels. The findings have practical implications for mental health professionals, urban planners, policymakers, and NGO activists working with migrant and non-native populations. Limitations include the qualitative nature of the study, which limits generalizability; the focus on Tabriz as a single site; and the reliance on self-reported perspectives. Future research should conduct quantitative studies to measure the effectiveness of specific cultural adaptation strategies; examine interventions across different Iranian cities with varying ethnic compositions; explore the perspectives of non-native clients themselves; and evaluate the long-term outcomes of culturally adapted interventions. The study highlights the importance of moving beyond one-size-fits-all approaches to mental health service delivery and developing culturally responsive models that respect diversity, promote equity, and enhance the psychological well-being of all community members. پژوهش حاضر با هدف تبیین نقش عوامل فرهنگی در اثربخشی مداخلات روانی–اجتماعی برای مهاجران غیربومی در شهر تبریز انجام شد؛ شهری که طی سال‌های اخیر با افزایش جمعیت مهاجران داخلی و خارجی، با چالش‌های نوظهور در حوزه سازگاری فرهنگی، سلامت روان و انسجام اجتماعی مواجه شده است. جامعه پژوهش را ۱۵ مشارکت‌کننده از سه گروه اصلی تشکیل داد: گروه P (متخصصان روان‌شناسی، مشاوره، هنردرمانی و بهداشت روان)، گروه S (صاحب‌نظران فرهنگی–اجتماعی مانند جامعه‌شناسان، مردم‌شناسان، مدرسین دانشگاه و فعالان فرهنگی)، و گروه K (فعالان میدانی شامل مددکاران اجتماعی، مربیان، برنامه‌ریزان شهری و اعضای NGOها). این افراد به دلیل تجربه عملی و بینش عمیق نسبت به مداخلات روانی–اجتماعی در بافت‌های چندفرهنگی انتخاب شدند. داده‌ها با استفاده از مصاحبه‌های نیمه‌ساختاریافته گردآوری و با روش تحلیل تماتیک شش‌مرحله‌ای براون و کلارک تحلیل شد. نتایج نشان داد که چهار تم اصلی شامل «درک و احترام به بافت فرهنگی–مذهبی»، «چالش‌ها و راهبردهای ارتباطی»، «توانمندسازی و مشارکت جامعه‌محور» و «الزامات سیستمی و حرفه‌ای» در ادراک متخصصان مشترک است. شواهد حاکی از آن است که موانعی همچون تفاوت‌های زبانی، تابوهای فرهنگی، نبود میانجی فرهنگی، ضعف آموزش شایستگی فرهنگی در متخصصان و کمبود هماهنگی نهادی اثربخشی مداخلات را کاهش می‌دهد. در مقابل، استفاده از زبان و نمادهای بومی، مشارکت رهبران محلی، بهره‌گیری از ابزارهای غیرکلامی (هنر، داستان، موسیقی)، فعال‌سازی ظرفیت‌های درونی جامعه مهاجر و طراحی سیاست‌های کلان فرهنگی می‌تواند میزان اعتماد، مشارکت و سازگاری اجتماعی مهاجران را بهبود بخشد.

سازمان مطالعه و تدوین کتب دانشگاهی در علوم اسلامی و انسانی (سمت) روان‌شناسی فرهنگی 2588-7211 9 2 2026 02 20 Perceptions of Support, Transition from School to Post-School; A Qualitative Study Based on the Lived Experiences of Senior High School Students ادراک از حمایت، درگذار از مدرسه به پسا‌مدرسه؛ مطالعه کیفی مبتنی بر تجارب زیسته دانش‌آموزان سال آخر متوسطه 248606 10.30487/jcp.2026.548085.1846 FA مهدی وجدانی همت استادیار، گروه مشاوره، دانشکده روانشناسی و علوم تربیتی، دانشگاه علامه طباطبائی، تهران، ایران. محدثه فرهنگیان کارشناسی ارشد، روانشناسی، دانشگاه علامه طباطبائی، تهران، ایران. Journal Article 2025 09 19 Abstract This study aimed to study the perceptions of support among senior high school students in the transition to the post-school period. Using a qualitative approach and the Claise descriptive phenomenological method, the lived experiences of 14 Tehrani students (7 girls and 7 boys) were collected and analyzed through semi-structured interviews. Data analysis resulted in the extraction of 10 main categories and 50 subcategories. 6 main categories of perceived support from family included; Perception of parental emotional and facilitative support, Perception of parental academic facilitative support, Perception of parental cognitive facilitative support, Barriers resulting from the duality of control and independence, Barriers resulting from the conflict in the perception of parental support, Psychological and behavioral consequences resulting from the dual perception of parents. 4 main categories of perceived support from school and peers included; Perception of support from school staff, psychological and behavioral consequences resulting from dual perception of school staff, perception of support from peers, psychological and behavioral consequences resulting from dual perception of peers were obtained. Finally, the core category of these findings was formulated as; perceived support in the last year of school is a multilayered and dual mechanism that can simultaneously play a facilitating or hindering role in the transition process of adolescents. By highlighting the perceived contradictions in supportive relationships, the present study emphasizes the need to review the methods of providing support by family, school, and peers. Introduction Adolescence represents one of the most sensitive and critical developmental periods in human life, during which individuals face numerous challenges and experience significant changes in physical, emotional, and social domains while moving toward self-discovery and identity formation (Sisk & Gee, 2022; Branje et al., 2021; Dahl et al., 2018). One of the fundamental transitions during adolescence is the transition from school to post-school life—a pivotal stage in life accompanied by various developmental challenges (Dietrich, Parker, & Salmela-Aro, 2012). Transitions can be understood as the beginning of a new phase and the end of a previous one (Nash, Lemcke, & Sacre, 2009), involving changes such as entering school, moving between schools, transitioning from school to university, or entering the workforce (Feldman et al., 2016). The post-school transition is a critical turning point in individuals' lives, accompanied by a set of developmental tasks (Zarrett & Eccles, 2006) defined by cultural and historical expectations about the timing and sequence of life stages (Elder, 1998). Although the exact timing of this transition may vary based on individual educational and career choices, it is often perceived as a relatively distinct crisis point typically marked by the end of high school (Crockett & Beal, 2012). This period of transition is inherently complex, diverse, and heterogeneous, accompanied by psychological pressures and potential costs, with structural factors such as economic conditions, social class, and educational institutions playing significant roles in shaping its nature (Dietrich, Parker, & Salmela-Aro, 2012). In such circumstances, success in navigating this stage requires adolescents to feel a sense of control and influence over their decisions and future pathways (Savickas, 2011). Therefore, decision-making about future educational or career paths is considered one of the most important developmental tasks of this period (Zarrett & Eccles, 2006). According to Luncsky and Benson-Betsy (2001) and Gulact (2010), social support has three key dimensions: social integration (connection with important individuals and group membership), received support (actual support obtained), and perceived support (subjective assessment of the availability of support in important situations). Perceived support can manifest in various forms including emotional support (empathy and care), informational support (advice and guidance), instrumental support (tangible services), and companionship support (Santini et al., 2015; Holt-Lunstad et al., 2015). Family constitutes the primary and most important context where the seeds of personality are planted. Parenting styles characterized by warmth, encouragement, acceptance, and intimacy play a significant role in the development of emotional self-regulation, social adjustment, academic achievement, and coping strategies in adolescents (Zhu et al., 2025). Unconditional parental acceptance conveys to the child that regardless of performance and outcomes, they are worthy of love and respect (Danesh, 2004). Proper family functioning in terms of effective and clear communication contributes to psychological balance, positive emotional development, and appropriate responsiveness to children's psychological needs (Oliver & Miller, 2004). In this regard, the family plays a key role in fostering social support (Hosokawa & Katsura, 2024). However, many adolescents have expressed that when in need, they either do not receive support or are unable to express their feelings to obtain it (Rask, Kaunonen, & Paunonen-Ilmonen, 2002). Some studies attribute this to distrust of support sources or hopelessness from previous experiences (Barker, 2007), while others have found that perceived social support plays a significant role in predicting actual support (Pierce, Sarason, & Sarason, 1992). Given these complexities, this qualitative study aims to explore senior high school students' lived experiences and perceptions of support during the transition from school to post-school life. Research Methodology This qualitative study employed a descriptive phenomenological approach using Colaizzi's seven-step method. Participants comprised 14 senior high school students (7 girls, 7 boys) in Tehran during the 2024-2025 academic year, selected through purposeful convenience sampling. Inclusion criteria included being in the 12th grade or senior year of high school, deciding to transition to life after school (entering college or employment), and being able to participate in interviews. Data were collected through semi-structured interviews conducted face-to-face, lasting 30-45 minutes, and continued until theoretical saturation was reached. Data analysis followed Colaizzi's seven-step method: reading transcripts to gain overall familiarity; extracting significant statements; formulating meanings from significant statements; clustering meanings into themes; developing an exhaustive description; producing the fundamental structure; and returning to participants for validation. To enhance trustworthiness, member checking and expert review were employed. The analysis yielded 541 initial codes, 50 sub-themes, and 10 main themes. The coding process and theme development were systematically documented, ensuring transparency in the analytical process. The phenomenological approach enabled deep engagement with participants' lived experiences, providing rich, multi-dimensional understanding of perceived support during this critical transition period. Discussion Perceived Support from Family: Facilitative and Inhibiting Dimensions **Emotional and Affective Facilitative Support from Parents:** Participants consistently described emotional support as the foundation of perceived family support. This theme encompassed emotional accompaniment, unconditional acceptance, empathic responses to negative emotions, dialogical encouragement, and family moderation of environmental pressures. One participant stated: “The support I get gives me morale and peace... For example, when I was having a bad day and someone called me, I felt like someone was still there” (Interview 6). Another emphasized: “My parents say: If my child is in a bad mood, this is not right for me; my child’s well-being is more important to me. Without the support of my parents, school would have crushed me even more” (Interview 4). This finding aligns with research demonstrating that emotional support provides a secure base for adolescents during stressful transitions (Wang & Eccles, 2012; Zarrett & Eccles, 2006). Unconditional acceptance, particularly during academic setbacks, emerged as crucial. One participant noted: "When I told my father I had several failed subjects, he said 'So what? It's not your fault. If you had done better, that would have been nice, but what does it matter?'" (Interview 8). This non-judgmental stance reduced anxiety and maintained self-worth despite academic challenges. **Academic Facilitative Support from Parents:** This theme encompassed financial support for education, parental sacrifices for educational resources, constructive feedback, and preparation of supportive learning environments. Participants valued parents' willingness to provide necessary educational resources: "If I wanted a particular book or class and they understood it would benefit me, there was no problem covering the cost" (Interview 2). Another participant noted: "My father and mother say we put our money into this, we don't go out, we don't travel because of you. This is our support so you can study" (Interview 4). However, participants distinguished between helpful support and intrusive control. One participant explained: "I think they should let me do my own work. If someone wants to study, they will study on their own, but if they don't want to, that pressure won't make them" (Interview 2). This demonstrates the importance of independence-supportive parenting, which is consistent with autonomy theory (Deci & Ryan, 2000). **Cognitive Facilitative Support from Parents:** This dimension involved parental encouragement of self-efficacy, responsibility attribution, and motivation enhancement. One participant shared: "My father says, go the way you think is right, even if I say no... If you profit, say the profit is mine; if you lose, still keep your head up and say the loss is mine too" (Interview 5). Another noted: "The conversations my father has with me made me very strong. My thoughts about the future became much broader, and I moved forward with more planning" (Interview 3). This cognitive support fostered independence, self-confidence, and forward-thinking—qualities essential for successful transition. **Barriers from the Duality of Control and Independence:** A significant tension emerged between parental control and adolescent autonomy. Participants described how perceived over-control undermined supportive intentions. One participant stated: "They see support as providing whatever I want materially, but from my perspective, that's not support... I need them to give their opinions and suggestions—what's wrong, what's right—with logical reasoning, not just say no without explaining why" (Interview 8). Another noted: "Two hours studying, you rest five minutes, and your mother comes saying why aren't you studying... unnecessary reminders" (Interview 2). This finding aligns with research showing that when parental control is perceived as intrusive, support can be experienced as pressure rather than assistance (Grolnick & Pomerantz, 2009; Hawk et al., 2008). The conflict between adolescents' need for independence and parents' desire for protection creates a duality that, when unresolved, transforms potential support into a source of stress. **Barriers from Conflict in Perception of Parental Support:** Participants identified discrepancies between their needs and parents' understanding of support. One participant explained: "They think just providing everything and giving money is enough" (Interview 8). Another noted: "Parents impose their dreams on their children. I have my own personality and goals; why should everyone be the same?" (Interview 9). Differences in maternal and paternal styles also created confusion. One participant observed: "My mother sometimes says rest a little, but not too much so you don't fall behind... her words are kind but also stressful" (Interview 5). This aligns with research showing that children perceive maternal and paternal support differently (Shek, 2007; Leung & Shek, 2014), with mothers often using more affectionate styles and fathers more purposeful approaches. Without open dialogue, these differences can lead to emotional disconnection and perceived support deficits. **Psychological and Behavioral Consequences of Dual Perceptions of Parents:** Participants experiencing inconsistent or insufficient support reported anxiety, perceived rejection, academic burnout, performance decline, superficial learning, feelings of worthlessness, and withdrawal. One participant described: "When they say, 'What if you don't get accepted?' I've heard that a lot. Subconsciously, my mind goes to the future and answers, and my stress increases instead of decreases" (Interview 2). Another noted: "Families talk as if the more you study, the better. If you say you study five hours a day, someone will say they study ten hours... so from their perspective, that person is better than you" (Interview 9). These consequences align with research showing that high parental expectations without adequate support lead to academic anxiety, burnout, and even antisocial behaviors (Ersalan et al., 2024; Maltais et al., 2021). The pressure to meet parental expectations without receiving needed emotional support created a cycle of stress and reduced academic engagement. Perceived Support from School and Peers **Perceived Support from School Staff:** Participants valued teachers and counselors who provided encouragement, honest guidance, attention to individual differences, and non-judgmental communication. One participant stated: "Some teachers try to give us counseling, boost our spirits... They say they saw someone two years ago in this same school who was worse than you, didn't do anything special, just mastered the textbook and got accepted. You can do it too" (Interview 10). Another noted: "Feeling that someone in school pays attention to me as a person, not just grades—considers my problems, not just gives a program to all students" (Interview 1). This finding aligns with research emphasizing the importance of teacher-student relationships in supporting academic engagement and well-being during transitions (Granziera et al., 2022; Jiang et al., 2022). School support was most effective when it acknowledged students' individuality, provided honest guidance, and created safe spaces for expressing concerns. **Psychological and Behavioral Consequences of Dual Perceptions of School Staff:** Participants reported negative experiences including humiliation, comparison with peers, ignoring personal interests, and unsafe communication environments. One participant explained: "In some classes, you're not allowed to speak. Why? Because your grade is weak, so you have no right to comment" (Interview 8). Another noted: "The counselor gives us a hundred-question PDF and says study it for tomorrow, while exams are thirty questions... we're just taking exams to affect our continuous assessment, with no real support" (Interview 9). These experiences reflect what Dack and Merlin-Knoblich (2023) described as school counselors' need for professional development to effectively support student transitions. When school staff prioritize testing over student well-being, the supportive potential of school is undermined, contributing to anxiety and disengagement. **Perceived Support from Peers:** Peer support emerged as a crucial resource, characterized by emotional companionship, shared understanding, collaborative decision-making, and mutual motivation. One participant shared: "When I talk with my friends, I feel better. They understand without judgment, and this reduces my stress" (Interview 7). Another noted: "We help each other with study planning; when one of us feels down, the others encourage us" (Interview 12). This aligns with research showing that peer support provides emotional safety, reduces isolation, and enhances motivation (Langenkamp, 2010; Adet et al., 2022). Peer relationships offer validation and understanding from those experiencing similar challenges, creating a sense of shared journey through the transition. **Psychological and Behavioral Consequences of Dual Perceptions of Peers:** While peer support was generally positive, participants also identified risks including misguidance through peer pressure and uninformed, unqualified support. One participant warned: "Sometimes friends push you toward decisions that aren't really good for you... you want to fit in, so you go along with it" (Interview 5). This reflects research showing that peer influence can be both positive and negative, depending on the norms and behaviors being reinforced (Fitzgerald et al., 2012). When peer groups encourage academic engagement and healthy coping, support is facilitative; when they promote disengagement or risky behaviors, support becomes detrimental. The absence of qualified guidance within peer relationships created a need for adult oversight while preserving peer-connectedness. Conclusion This phenomenological study revealed that perceived support during the transition from school to post-school life operates as a multi-layered and dual mechanism that can simultaneously facilitate or hinder adolescents' transition process. The experience of participants demonstrated that it is not merely the "presence" of support but the "quality" of its perception, interpretation, and delivery that determines its effectiveness. Supportive patterns that simultaneously foster independence and psychological security played a prominent role in facilitating personal and social development. The findings highlight that perceived support from family, school staff, and peers is experienced through multiple dimensions—emotional, academic, cognitive, and relational—each with both facilitative and inhibitory aspects. Family support was most effective when it combined emotional presence with autonomy encouragement, while over-control and mismatched expectations created barriers. School support was valued when it acknowledged individuality and provided honest guidance, but undermined when it prioritized testing over student well-being. Peer support provided crucial emotional companionship but carried risks of misguidance. This study emphasizes the need for educational programs that empower parents, counselors, and teachers to better understand adolescents' developmental needs. Creating safe spaces for dialogue and mutual understanding between adolescents and their support sources is essential. Recognizing and managing perception gaps between adolescents and parents or other support sources is critical for reducing negative psychological outcomes during transitional periods. From this perspective, social support is not merely a protective factor but a mechanism for empowering adolescents toward achieving their future goals. The findings have implications for designing supportive interventions that enhance positive communication patterns, reduce perceived contradictions in support, and strengthen adolescents' capacity to navigate this critical life transition successfull. این پژوهش با هدف مطالعه ادراک دانش‌آموزان سال آخر دبیرستان از حمایت، در گذار به دوره‌ی پسا‌مدرسه انجام شد. با بهره‌گیری از رویکرد کیفی و روش پدیدارشناسی توصیفی کلایزی، تجارب زیسته‌ی 14 دانش‌آموز تهرانی (7 دختر و 7 پسر) از طریق مصاحبه‌های نیمه‌ساختاریافته جمع‌آوری و تحلیل گردید. تحلیل داده‌ها منجر به استخراج ۱۰ مقوله اصلی و ۵۰ مقوله فرعی شد. 6 مقوله اصلی حمایت ادراک شده از خانواده شامل؛ ادراک حمایت تسهیلگرانه عاطفی و هیجانی والدین، ادراک حمایت تسهیلگرانه تحصیلی والدین، ادراک حمایت تسهیلگرانه شناختی والدین، موانع ناشی از دوگانگی کنترل گری و استقلال، موانع ناشی از تضاد در ادراک حمایت از والدین، پیامدهای روانی و رفتاری ناشی از ادراک دوگانه والدین به‌دست امد. 4 مقوله اصلی حمایت ادراک شده از مدرسه و همسالان شامل؛ ادراک حمایت از سوی کادر مدرسه، پیامدهای روانی و رفتاری ناشی از ادراک دوگانه کادر مدرسه، ادراک حمایت از سوی همسالان، پیامدهای روانی و رفتاری ناشی از ادراک دوگانه همسالان حاصل شد. در نهایت مقوله‌ی هسته‌ای این یافته‌ها صورت‌بندی شد که؛ حمایت ادراک شده در سال آخر مدرسه، ساز وکاری چندلایه و دوگانه است که همزمان می‌تواند نقش تسهیلگر یا مانع در فرآیند گذار نوجوانان ایفا کند. پژوهش حاضر با برجسته‌سازی تضادهای درک‌شده در روابط حمایتی، بر ضرورت بازنگری در شیوه‌های ارائه‌ی حمایت توسط خانواده، مدرسه و همسالان تأکید می‌ورزد.

سازمان مطالعه و تدوین کتب دانشگاهی در علوم اسلامی و انسانی (سمت) روان‌شناسی فرهنگی 2588-7211 9 2 2026 02 20 Components of Protecting Students Against Cyberbullying: An Umbrella Review مولفه های مراقبت از دانش آموزان در برابر قلدری مجازی: یک مرور چتری 253879 10.30487/jcp.2026.590984.1926 FA ناصر حیدری آموزش و پرورش مهدی زارع بهرام آبادی هیئت علمی سازمان مطالعه و تدوین کتب علوم انسانی دانشگاه ها (سمت) کیومرث فرحبخش هیئت علمی گروه مشاوره دانشگاه علامه طباطبایی محمد عسگری هیئت علمی دانشگاه علامه طباطبایی Journal Article 2026 07 11 Introduction and Objective:Cyberbullying is one of the most significant online threats to adolescents and is associated with adverse psychological and social outcomes, including anxiety, depression, low self-esteem, poor academic performance, and social adjustment difficulties. This study aimed to identify and classify the key components of protecting students against cyberbullying. Methods:An umbrella review was conducted by searching for systematic reviews and meta-analyses on the prevention or reduction of cyberbullying among adolescents in the PubMed, Scopus, and ScienceDirect databases. English-language studies published between 2021 and May 2026 were eligible. A total of 399 records were initially identified and screened. Sixteen studies underwent full-text assessment, and 10 review studies were ultimately included in the final analysis following the Preferred Reporting Items for Systematic Reviews and Meta-Analyses (PRISMA) guidelines. Results:Extracted data included the general characteristics of the studies and the intervention components. The identified components were classified into five major domains: knowledge enhancement, emotional, cognitive, behavioral, and psychological capital. The findings also indicated that protecting students from the harmful consequences of cyberbullying requires a comprehensive, systematic, and multilevel approach involving both family and school systems. Conclusion:The identified components encompass the knowledge, skills, and competencies needed to enhance adolescents' awareness, strengthen their emotional and cognitive abilities, improve adaptive coping behaviors, and foster psychological resources for dealing with cyberbullying. These findings provide an evidence-based framework for developing comprehensive interventions to protect students from cyberbullying. مقدمه و هدف: قلدری مجازی به‌عنوان یکی از مهم‌ترین تهدیدهای فضای آنلاین برای نوجوانان شناخته می‌شود و می‌تواند پیامدهای روانی و اجتماعی متعددی از جمله اضطراب، افسردگی، کاهش عزت‌نفس، افت عملکرد تحصیلی و مشکلات سازگاری اجتماعی به همراه داشته باشد. این مطالعه با هدف شناسایی و طبقه‌بندی مؤلفه‌های مراقبت از دانش آموزان در برابر قلدری مجازی انجام شد. روش: در این پژوهش با استفاده از مرور چتری، مرورهای نظام‌مند و فراتحلیل‌های مرتبط با پیشگیری یا کاهش قلدری مجازی در نوجوانان در پایگاه‌هایPubMed، Scopus و ScienceDirect جست‌وجو شدند. مقالات منتشرشده به زبان انگلیسی در بازه زمانی 2021 تا ماه می 2026 وارد مطالعه شدند. در مرحله اول 399 مقاله وارد فرایند غربالگری شدند. در مرحله بعد 16 مقاله واجد شرایط بررسی متن کامل شد و پس از بررسی متن، تعداد 10 مقاله مروری با دستورالعمل معیار پریزما مورد تحلیل قرار گرفت. نتایج: داده‌های استخراج‌شده شامل ویژگی‌های کلی مطالعات و مؤلفه‌های مداخلات بود. نتایج نشان داد که مؤلفه‌های به‌دست‌آمده در پنج سطح اصلی شامل مؤلفه‌های دانش‌افزایی، هیجانی، شناختی، رفتاری و سرمایه‌های روان‌شناختی قابل طبقه‌بندی هستند و مراقبت از دانش آموزان در برابر پیامدهای زیان بار قلدری مجازی مستلزم اتخاذ رویکردی جامع، نظام مند و چندلایه با درگیر کردن نظام های خانواده و مدرسه است. نتیجه گیری: این مؤلفه‌ها مجموعه‌ای از مهارت‌ها و توانمندی‌ها را در بر می‌گیرند که به افزایش آگاهی نوجوانان، تقویت توانایی‌های هیجانی و شناختی، بهبود رفتارهای مقابله‌ای و ارتقای منابع روان‌شناختی آنان در مواجهه با قلدری مجازی کمک می‌کنند.